Cultural norms are the bedrock of psychosocial factors that determine sexual behaviours as deviance. Despite this, there are nuances with which the 20 articles display, as in the case of several studies where such activities are permissible. In effect, it validates the dimension of relativity in the aforementioned sexual values. ASEAN being a religiously diverse and hybrid region casts religiosity and spirituality as determinants to sexual deviance. In fact, deviance is set from the vantage of point religious permissibility. For instance, the studies conducted in Malaysia and Indonesia [36, 40, 43–44] where Islam is the predominant religion of the respondents; demonstrate deviance as a result of poor religiosity. Religion in these studies is advocated as a protective factor as much as it is a psychosocial determinant. The daily religious observance of five-times-a-day prayer as an oblation is deemed a fortification against deviance [39].
The trajectory of these studies including a Cambodian study by Lopez, Mukaire and Mataya [46], seem to index towards an absolutist dimension of sexual values that places sanctity in deferment in sexual experiences post marriage as per custom and religions. Consistently, in Chu et al. [24] who examined primary human goods as factors to sexual offending among Singaporean individuals found spirituality (0%) to be a non-contributing factor but inner peace (17.3%) was a contributing factor, which incidentally is a desired outcome of spirituality or religiosity.
Additionally, the scope of deviance is presupposed through the concept regret and shame under the purview of religion in a Christian state like the Philippines [26]. Ghani, Kosnin and Aziz [36] study explored this in an Islamic context through the multi-staged concept of ‘nafs’ or loosely translated to desire. Deviance of illicit sex among Malaysian adolescents was derived from lawwamah-nafs (remorseful desire).
This extricably ties in with self-esteem or the sense of worthiness. Beyond this review, Davis and Miles study unearthed unfavourable negative repercussion among sex workers citing sexual vocations to be ‘dirty’, and shameful, thus indicating sexual deviance [52]. Remarkably, the review exhibits a full-circle pattern of psychosocial antecedent to a sexual deviant succedent and psychosocial impact through negative appraisals of self-esteem. Parental monitoring appears to be another psychosocial protective factor that positively correlates with sexual deviance amongst adolescence in ASEAN. This may be attributed to the fact that ASEAN member states belong in a collectivistic culture as detected in a majority of the studies reviewed. Interestingly in two studies reviewed [41–42], many psychosocial sub-factors such as self-esteem, attitude and locus of self-control act as pathway coefficients or intermediary factors between parental attachment to adolescents while in Smith et al. [4] parental support serves as one of the psychosocial linking factors between sedentary behaviour and risky sexual behaviour among Thai and Indonesians adolescents. Other mediating factors include substance abuse, parental, loneliness and depressive symptoms manifest in sexual intercourse with a report of sedentary behaviour of 3 hours/day. As such, future research may delve into ‘physical activities’ as a means towards mitigating psychosocial factors to reduce sexual deviance incidences among adolescents.
However, in Farid et al. [37] study, institutionalised adolescent (female) showed a negative correlation. High family connectedness increased sexually deviant behaviours. This could be attributed to the fact that welfare children’s family dynamics differ from those belonging in a stable nuclear family unit. What is psychosocial protective factor for the latter is detrimental factor for the former which may explain their being institutionalised in the first place.
In matters of sexual-orientation based deviances, the limited number of studies displayed in this review prompts for more research focus. Using non-hetero respondents poses a challenge as indicated by Smith et al. [4] a heteronormative setting may result in reticence among them to respond in order to elucidate psychosocial determinants to sexual deviance. Moreover, an examination on sexual minorities would be an interesting insight into the distinction of values between identity and behaviour. Sexual orientation as demographic datum in itself may be seen as sexual deviance in ASEAN member states. This is supported in two contrasting studies found beyond this review where transgenderism and homosexuality have been seen as socially permissible in Thailand [53] as opposed to Vietnam where it is deemed immoral [54].
Substance abuse as an externalising pattern of psychosocial factor appears in a majority of studies [4, 25–6, 37–39, 43, 46, 51]. However, in Rahman et al. study [39], there is not a significant relationship between substance abuse like alcohol among adolescents which could index to its consumption as non-permissible its among Muslim respondents. Lopez Mukaire and Mataya [46] and Pengpid and Peltzer [45] indicated that males were more prone to substance abuse leading to risky sexual behaviour such as sexual coercion, violence and aggression leading to female sexual victimisation and control [49]. A compounding factor is patriarchy in certain ASEAN member states which permits and justifies men’s aggressive behaviour, even to the extent of females being pressured to accept certain deviant behaviours.
Hedonistic dimensions are linked to pleasure seeking and sensory heightening through the influence of substance usage and abuse thereof. Farid et al. [37], Chu et al. [24] and Osorio et al. [26] demonstrate that sexual deviance as sexual satiation and pleasure seeking through alcohol, smoking and illicit drugs were factors towards promiscuity and oral sex. Sexual satisfaction however appears less influential as compared to other factors which make the hedonistic dimension of sexual values, though existing but comparatively benign.
It is evident from the review that a quantitative cross-sectional approach is the dominant mode of study. While quantitative study enables a demonstrable quantification measure of relationship between two distinct variables as parameters, a qualitative approach provides an in-depth probing into sexual deviance factors and intentions which may capture nuances that is hitherto unmeasured in validated questionnaires. As per Sychareun et al. [48] qualitative study, it was determined from first-hand account that pre-marital sex, adolescent marriage and pregnancy were not just the cultural norm in rural Laos, but there was an economic advantage in term of yoking adolescents into agricultural businesses which turns labour into profitable assets.
Research also tends to centre itself amongst the poor. Sexual deviance, though of course impulsed by lower socioeconomic standings, would potentially provide a contrasting realm among adolescents who are socioeconomically privileged as their psychosocial needs may differ. The level of digital proficiency, arguably higher among privileged adolescent provide an exposure to other forms of sexual degradations. As per the study in Singapore [24], a higher income country, demonstrates performance of sexual deviance by adolescent sexual offenders similar to those enacted by Western adolescents such as voyeurism and exhibitionism.
In line with western ideation of sexual deviance, as sadomasochism is denoted as deviance that may be consensual, sexual violence however takes place in the ASEAN setting as a coercive, forceful act. The study on dating violence in Thailand shows the cultural norm of permissible male aggression towards female adolescent [49]. Moreover, the synthesis shows gender as a salient demographic data that links psychosocial factors to sexual deviance. Both Farid et al. [37] and Ghani, Kosnin and Aziz [36] cite that female adolescents are more prone to sexual deviance or in the latter’s term ‘illicit sex’ which indicates as active participation in sexual activities. Yet, in Lopez, Mukaire and Mataya [46], boys were more involved in sexually deviant behaviours, much lower than girls which have been purported as embedded double standards in cultural expectations in boys’ risqué sexual behaviour.
Limitations
Since the review is done from selected papers within the timeframe of 2010 - 2020, there will be restrictions in existence in reporting the review, bias-free. For instance, the exclusion of several papers from other electronic databases may hamper comprehensiveness of the topic reviewed. While the study of pragmatics by Leech [55] have been utilised to ensure that bias is reduced by interpreting deviance by meaning in context, there is a methodological limitation that required omission of studies. For instance, one of the reasons Boonchooduang et al.’s [56] study was excluded, is because lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual adolescents are framed as ‘sexual minority youth’ and the study did not consider them to be ‘sexually deviant’ but rather as an integral part of their sexual identity. While this may be seen as the strength for its interpretive rigour, however, it is a missed opportunity to review their psychosocial needs for the purpose of the ASEAN YDI. Another limitation of the present review is the fact that qualitative studies are lower than quantitative studies which impede the capturing of finer nuances of psychosocial motivations and intentions towards sexual deviance. Finally, authors would like emphasised that the detail explanation on absolutism, relativism and hedonism were not included in the review. Besides that, the articles were searched using various terms pertaining to sexual deviance. As such, those articles may not collected or measured using the same term (sexual deviance). Despite these limitations, this review has successfully offered some insights regarding psychosocial factors contributing sexual deviance among adolescents from ASEAN countries.