In this section, results are analysed using the Risk Environment Framework, namely, through the domains of ‘physical’, ‘social’, ‘economic’ and ‘policy’ environments. Sub themes in each domain are discussed under each domain (See: Table 6).
Table 6
Risk environment for YPWUD in the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal
Environment
|
Micro
|
Meso
|
Macro
|
Physical
|
Access and availability of services issues
|
Availability of drugs
|
Drug use at border
|
Human right violations
|
Availability of services
|
Physical issues affecting YPWUD
|
|
Social
|
Peer norms
|
Stigma and discrimination
|
Criminalization and human rights
|
Drug trends
|
Police harassment
|
Knowledge of services
|
|
Economic
|
Financial issues
|
Corruption
|
Donor funding
|
Government funding
|
Policy
|
Age restriction
|
Policy development
|
Policy responsibility
|
Need of youth friendly policies
|
Policy implementation and coordination
|
3.1. Physical environment
Access and availability of services issues
YPWUD reported that existing services did not meet their needs whilst service providers also reported that existing services were sub-optimal. It was reported that there is not enough adequate service coverage for PWUD in Nepal. Geographic proximity and opening hours are reportedly creating challenges and barriers for YPWUD who are seeking access to services. An office approach (e.g. 9am-5pm), for example, can exclude YPWUD (I5, 176-177) as ‘..if a user is studying, then they have to go to school or college at the same time when the service sites are open. What we can do is at least to manage time which is favorable to them’ (I8, 252-254).
Additionally, some YPWUD who live outside the main cities of Kathmandu valley are facing difficulties accessing harm reduction services, because they are not available in the outskirts and they ‘have to travel 2-3 hours on a bus’ to reach services ( I2, 134-136). Unlike other health services, harm reduction services are not available outside of the cities ' for example, above Bhaktapur, those parts are impossible to reach, similarly, in Lalitpur, there are many unexpected places where there are many PWUD. That’s why if I have to say in terms of accessibility, only 60% -70% is covered and still, there is a gap of 30%’ (I1, 209-212). As a result, harm reduction services are not available to a larger number of YPWUD living in other parts of the country.
Services were also reported to lack several of the 9 key components of harm reduction programs recommended by the World Health Organisation (WHO)(15). Condoms and NSEP were included alongside OST but other key components were not (I5, 154-159). YPWUD were referred to other services for these components (ibid.).
Human right violations
Some of the present practices of law enforcement (police) were identified by several respondents as barriers for accessing services. This included fear of harassment and pre-trial detention by police and fear of forced involuntary treatment. These practices discourage YPWUD from accessing services. Involuntary treatment was considered one of the worst-case scenarios. Cases of kidnapping of PWUD by rehabilitation centers were also reported to be increasing (I4, 8-11).
Availability of drugs and drug use at border
The easy availability of illicit drugs on the illicit market was mentioned to be a significant factor in terms of drug use among YPWUD. Some of the most commonly used drugs were reported to be pharmaceutical drugs with opioid-based painkillers, heroin, methamphetamine and an injected mixture called ‘South Asian Cocktail’ (composed of opioid-based painkillers, diazepam and antihistamines) reported to be popular among this group.
Nepal shares an open border with India. Several respondents reported drug use at the border regions. YPWUD often cross the border to buy and use drugs because it is easily accessible in Indian pharmacies at much cheaper prices (I1, 68-71). A newly emerging trend is the supply of drugs through social media sites. This has led to the gradual disappearance of physical drug ‘hot spots’ with YPWUD shifting online as a safer and more secure way to access drugs (I1, 76-80).
Physical issues affecting YPWUD
Abscesses, DVT (deep vein thrombosis), vein collapse, bloodborne diseases, overdoses and even death are commonly occurring negative health outcomes of YPWUD. These problems can start very early with many problems such as ‘abscesses, DVT, overdoses, vein collapse’ often starting within the first two years of drug use ( I1, 18-20; I2, 12-15; I4, 110-111; I3, 11-12; I6, 28- 30). However, a lack of abscess management programs and dressing clinics in Kathmandu valley has been reported (I4, 54-55; I4, 110-111).
3.2. Social environment
Peer norms and drug trends
Drug use behaviors and patterns of young people can be influenced by various factors. All respondents reported that illicit drug use was increasing, especially among young people. A majority of the population using drugs are reported to be ‘75 to 76% are the youth population below the age of 30. Even in our harm reduction services, there are mainly two age groups: 14-19 years old and 20-25 years old who use our services’ (I1, 6-10).
Local trends were reported to affect the drug-using pattern of YPWUD, for example synthetic drugs like ice or yaba (methamphetamine) were reported to be gaining popularity with these drugs being easily accessed by YPWUD (I1, 35-38; I3, 21; I4, 13-16). Many YPWUD were reported to start injecting ‘..when they are 13-14 years old but still, they can’t access services’ (I6, 83-85). YPWUD were also reported to be increasingly moving away from injecting in injecting hotspots and are ‘..nowadays they are using it in their homes’ (I8, 59-67; I7, 171-178).
Knowledge of services
Most of the respondents (I10, 92-97; I10, 114-116; I1, 280-281; I8, 13-34; I9; 102-105) highlighted that, YPWUD are not well informed regarding harm reduction services. Many YPWUD were reported to be unaware of even government-run OST services- not knowing ‘where and how to get to that service’ with most ‘informed by the peer to peer. But there is nothing which informs PWUD regarding the available services’ (I1, 256-259).
Stigma and discrimination
Several respondents discussed how shame and a fear of damaging their family’s reputation/status in society can discourage them as well as their family to talk about and seek help for their problems related to drug use.
‘First thing in the context of Nepal, the word drug use is considered as a synonym of stigma … there is a fear of what dad, sister, or any other members of family will say, a fear the family status in society will degrade, and so on. Due to these stigmas, PWUD feels unsafe to open and come out’ (I3, 160-165).
Thus, societal perspectives play a vital role if an individual participates in harm reduction services or not. One of the YPWUD confirmed the difficulty accessing harm reduction services saying that, ‘Most of us are afraid that if our relatives or society will find out that we are using, then they will see us in a negative perspective’ (I10, 100-102).
Elements of Nepalese society were reported to be hostile to both YPWUD and harm reduction service providers. Harm reduction services providers are often perceived as ‘distributing free drugs and promoting drug use’ (I10, 85) and there can be opposition to opening services ‘due to the negative perspective towards harm reduction services’ (I2, 114-116). As a result, YPWUD may often be subject to stigma and discrimination including the use of perjorative slurs (I1, 65-66). This stigma and discrimination may negatively affect being able to connect with YPWUD populations;‘50-60% of 100 is easy but at the end reaching last remaining 5-10% which is hidden due to criminalization or stigma and discrimination, will be very difficult’(I8, 60-62).
Police harassment
A key reported barrier for YPWUD accessing services and those supplying them with injecting equipment was regular harassment by the police. Police were reported to interact with YPWUD (I10, 62-63) and outreach workers (I4, 70-72) for carrying injecting equipment which sometimes led to interrogation on the stress, detention and arrests (I10, 56-60; I3, 43-46).
Criminalization and Human Rights
Most respondents highlighted that a paradigm shift in public discourse as well at governmental and official authorities level should take place. The approach of criminalization was considered to be ineffective; ‘This approach doesn’t work in any country and it doesn’t reduce drug use or mitigate issues related to drug use’ (I3, 51-53).
In the context of prohibition, YPWUD were reported to often go through unnecessary interrogation, threats of imprisonment, body searches and bullying even whilst accessing harm reduction services. YPWUD are reportedly frequently targeted and blamed for crimes, arrested and harassed (I5, 210-217) and they advocate for revision of the punitive law and policies and provide treatment services:
‘The law says drugs can be provided with the prescription of a doctor so based on that OST programs were implemented. The way out can be seen now but still, the criminalization of drug use needs to be removed’ (I5, 104-106).
3.3. Economic environment
Financial issues
Poverty may also impact the decision of YPWUD to initiate injecting drug use: ‘The accessibility to injecting drugs is high because it is relatively cheaper compared to the price of heroin, that is why these injecting drugs are most common among youths’ (I1, 32-34). One of the respondents stated that, ‘the risk and intake of drugs have increased mainly among people without employment and who are not studying’ (I7, 15-16). Further another respondent adds, ‘the condition of a country is poor which leads to instability in the households as well and this leads people to use drugs. Therefore, there should be more focus on rehabilitating PWUD and creating employment opportunities and training them etc. And mainly it should be continued and sustained’ (I2, 51-53).
Corruption
Harassment from corrupt police officers was considered a significant barrier to accessing services (I5, 95-101). In this context, police officers receive monetary compensation as a commission for supplying YPWUD to rehabilitation centres as is illustrated in the following experience;
‘Couple of days ago an incident happened to me. When I was walking, the police stopped me and took me to the station where there were some rehab people waiting for us and as soon as we reached there, those rehab people and police started to ask about my family and their number. After a while, my family came there and those police gave an option to my family that either they should send me to rehab and pay for it or they will send me to jail even though I have done nothing, just because they (police and rehab) knew that I’m a drug user. But my family didn’t have money to send me to rehab so they said they can’t afford it or pay anything so do what you want. Fortunately, staff from the harm reduction service center came later to bail me out’ (I10, 121-129).
Funding
The Nepalese government currently spends less than 5% of GDP on its health budget, though this spending increased from 2019 to 2020 (I1, 245-249). However, there are no specific budgets for harm reduction programs from the government. Although policies and strategies that promote harm reduction have been developed they are rarely followed up with action plans with allocated funding (I5, 220-224). Donors sometimes fill these gaps but they tend to fund and prioritize primary needs, leaving secondary needs like youth or women-specific services unmet (ibid.). This is particularly problematic as ‘due to lack of financial support, we are unable to provide many other essential services which we could have provided along with current programs from a donor (Global Fund) through Save the Children’ (I2, 103-103). As a result, many services remain sub-optimal and are not able to conduct a range of activities (I8, 203-208).
Most services are funded by foreign donors and are under constant fear of losing funds and thereby shutting down important harm reduction services. In this context, the cessation of The Global Fund funding is of particular concern (I1, 185-189).
3.4 Policy environment
Youth-friendly policies
All respondents outlined a need for youth-friendly harm reduction services as ‘.. it will attract youths and will make it easy for them as well as us to provide services’ (4, 80-81). Several suggested they should be independent services whilst others stated that due to the lack of funding such services should be integrated into current harm reduction programs. The lack of differentiated care is identified as another obstacle for the respondents of harm reduction services. An UNAIDS representative working in Nepal explains why there is a need for differentiated care for YPWUD;
‘In terms of HIV programs, there is a new terminology called ‘Differentiated Care’, which means providing services as per the needs of different groups. For e.g., if there are 100 PWUD, the same program will not work for all 100. Therefore, these kinds of innovative ideas are not included in our national strategies but still, we are informing them (policymakers) about these different approaches and advocating to include these innovative approaches in national strategies but unfortunately, it’s not been included yet’ (I7, 86-92).
Rehabilitation centres are reported to apply a blanket one size fits all type of approach to care. ‘In rehab centers, they use a blanket approach which means using the same approach for all. Even though there are different users in … And it is proven that the same approach of treatment doesn’t work for all. Therefore overall knowledge on drugs is needed, even for YPWUD’ (I3, 215-219).
Several respondents representing the national and international organizations were also concerned about the age of initiation into drug use and the lack of access to services. A recent Integrated Biological and Behavioural Surveillance (IBBS) study, for example, found that ‘many users who are around 15 years old’ (I8, 261-271). In theory, under 18s can access services under certain circumstances (family consent). In practice, however, YPWUD are frequently referred to rehabilitation services (I5, 68-73) and may lack family consent to attend services due to the stigma discussed earlier (I10, 100-102).
The Nepalese government may be considered very progressive, ‘one of the best policies in southeast Asia. In terms of strategies there should be a different program for women, different programs for the young key affected population, like that which is very nice strategies and policies. However, the law must be reformed to follow up on these policies and this has not occurred yet’ (I5, 109-114). Concurrently, even the 9 indicated WHO interventions won’t suffice as there are ‘..many different kinds of youths, some living in streets, etc. Therefore, programs should be developed in such a way that covers the other areas of YPWUD like providing support during a food crisis, living crisis, etc. so programs need to be designed to address these issues as well’ (I5, 292-297).
A reluctance to provide YPWUD with access to harm reduction services was reported. A prevailing belief is that as YPWUD have just started using drugs they should be ‘counseled and forced to rehabilitation rather than providing them with harm reduction services’ (I5, 26-31) and activists are ‘..always raising this issue by explaining to them how the harm reduction services can save lives and help to overcome the health hazard related to drug use’ (ibid).
The HIV focus of policies
A lack of one-stop service centers where PWUD can enjoy comprehensive harm reduction services was highlighted by several respondents. Most of the existing harm reduction services were reported to focus on HIV prevention rather than the health and human rights of YPWUD.
Many Nepalese government authorities and partners along with foreign donors and institutions are reportedly primarily focused on HIV-related issues (I1, 245-249; I3, 77-79; I9, 61-66). Harm reduction may often be delivered as part of HIV prevention programs. One of the harm reduction service providers explains the services at their center; ‘We are providing various harm reduction services under HIV prevention programs, like NSEP, OST services where we provide both methadone and buprenorphine medicines..”(I1, 102-110).
The programs are constantly being revised. Currently, there is a policy focus on young people which is an indication that at least the first step towards a youth-friendly service provision can be made. ‘The new HIV strategy plan (2021-2026) is focused on youths. This new strategy plan specifically focuses on the young key affected population (YKP) and prioritizes the programs for YKP.’ (I5, 20-23).
Policy implementation and coordination
A contradiction between the approaches used by the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Ministry of Health and Population to tackle drug-related issues has been reported For example, the Ministry of Home Affairs enforces the criminalization of drug use as a preventive measure and prioritizes demand and supply reduction approaches. In contrast, the Ministry of Health and Population describes drug use as a health issue and prioritizes harm reduction approaches:
‘Sometimes I feel like we are failing to manage these two different perspectives. We as health workers are just looking at it through a health perspective and they as in control perspective. That’s why I think we are having problems’ (I8, 112-122).
The contradiction arises when the two ministries do not coordinate with each other. For example, under the Ministry of Health and Population, needle syringes are distributed freely to PWUD as a harm reduction approach but at the same time, law enforcement which operate under the Ministry of Home Affairs arrest and detain PWUD for possessing the same needle syringes distributed under Ministry of Health and Population authority.
Gaps in coordination between law enforcement authorities and health workers, including service providers and civil society networks were identified. In some areas, like upholding and ensuring the human rights of PWUD , law enforcement authorities had a better role to play while in others health workers were accountable. Polar views on defining and dealing with the same issue of drug use among these key players are reportedly leading to a blame game where consistent coordination effort was found to be critical.
The coordination between law enforcement agencies, harm reduction services providers and the YPWUD was reportedly lacking in overall harm reduction program management. The representative of the National Center for AIDS and STD control portrays the anger in these words; ‘Police work is not just to capture PWUD but also to give them opportunities to rehabilitate. So, if these could be linked, then the service coverage will also get better. Similarly, and mainly to run OST service centres, it's mandatory to get a permission form Ministry of Home Affairs. Therefore, in terms of site scale up there is a bit of reservation from their side that's why it’s halted. So, there is a need to advocate these issues as well’ (I7, 124-128).