A total of ten next-of-kin were interviewed, eight women and two men, see Table 1.
Table 1
Informant
|
Gender
|
Age (y)
|
Relation
|
Age resident (y)
|
Length of stay (months)
|
1
|
F
|
46
|
Daughter
|
65
|
36
|
2
|
F
|
88
|
Wife
|
92
|
36
|
3
|
F
|
55
|
Daugther
|
85
|
30
|
4
|
F
|
50
|
Daugther
|
74
|
60
|
5
|
M
|
70
|
Husband
|
70
|
9
|
6
|
F
|
65
|
Daughter
|
96
|
48
|
7
|
F
|
65
|
Daugther
|
97
|
36
|
8
|
F
|
60
|
Daugther
|
89
|
6
|
9
|
M
|
46
|
Son
|
73
|
9
|
10
|
F
|
52
|
Daugther
|
80
|
18
|
|
|
X= 58
|
|
X=82,5
|
X=33
|
One resident had passed only weeks before the interview. Four main themes were identified; Expressed but fragile trust, In need of an overview and control, The resident’s advocate and Us-them. Main themes and sub-themes are outlined in table 2.
Table 2 Themes and subthemes

Expressed but fragile trust
It was common to have an underlying trust in health personnel at the nursing home and therefor to trust the decisions made. In spite of occasional negative media coverage on inappropriate drug use in elderly living in nursing homes, the informants expressed that people in general didn’t have to worry about the drug therapy executed. When asked, the reason given was health personnel being educated professionals with knowledge of the older. Common features when content with the ongoing drug treatment were; the resident to have an unaltered drug list for a long period of time, the drugs on the list was initiated by a specialist at the hospital or absence of decline in the underlying condition when drugs being ceased.
There were, however, specific situations that undermined the trust, revealing the existing trust to be fragile such as experiencing a genuine deviation or something they personally perceived as an error. Other examples were, finding out by chance about extensive drug use or discover a specific medicine they knew had been terminated years prior to the nursing home admission. These episodes made the relatives question the ongoing drug treatment, and whether appropriateness was considered.
‘…and I as a layman do not have the prerequisite to know what she really needs. So, I have to trust the personnel at the nursing home and that the physician really follows up on her. I have to say that I feel like, can I rely on that?’ (Husband)
In need of overview and control
The majority of the interviewees wanted to be informed about the residents ongoing drug treatment, such as which drugs the relative was on and why. The urge for information was explained as a desire to know what happened with their loved ones, not necessarily as a tool to influence the treatment. There was a wish for more information than they received today and preferably as early in the process as possible. When asked how they wanted the information given they suggested annual or regular meeting with the personnel where drug therapy was presented and reviewed. There were interviewees who recalled an information meeting during or shortly after the admission to the nursing home, however, they could not recall any information given.
When information was given and explained they found it reassuring. This was especially the case when thorough information was given when initiating or ending a drug treatment. These decisions were easier to accept contrary to receiving no or delayed information. These incidents were however rare, and the interviewees emphasized they got more information about the purpose of each drug when the resident were hospitalised. At the hospital they experienced several drugs to be ceased and the cessation explained and justified. At the nursing home they had to nag for information which they found very stressful, and when information finally was given it came too late.
‘I would like to be more involved, up-front, without having to ask for information.’ (Son)
There were, however, interviewees that did not frequently requested information. When asked to give grounds they said they were aware of the health personnel’s high workload, and by imposing more duties it could affect the care given to the resident. It was better to ask questions when needed since too much information also could lead to unnecessary concern. Respecting the resident’s right to privacy was also highlighted.
The resident’s advocate
The next-of-kin perceived themselves as a resource on behalf of the resident. This was particularly important for residents who was unable to express their own needs. Next-of-kin possessed useful information relevant for the drug treatment due to long-lasting knowledge of the resident prior to the nursing home admission. In addition, when frequently visiting they were able to register subtle changes in behaviour. When asked to exemplify they mentioned; identify needs, identify drugs missing in transition of care and input on specific drugs tried out prior to the nursing home without effect or which was not preferable.
‘Since I visit her quite often and have known her my whole life (laughter), I feel I do have some input that can be valuable.’ (Son)
When expressing their concerns their experiences varied from those perceiving a low threshold for questions and to be taken seriously to those being brushed aside. The latter group spoke of suggestions being ignored such as asking for ointment instead of eye droplets when experiencing challenge of adherence or when suggesting physical activity as an alternative to medical treatment. Not to be heard was perceived as an enormous harass. The nagging exhausted them and left them with the feeling of being worn out.
‘I did not find it difficult to bring the subject to the physician, but the way she responded was uncomfortable. She kind of brushed it aside without being willingly to try anything…’ (Daughter)
In spite of the majority wanting to be actively involved in the drug treatment given there were interviewees who thought it was liberating to relinquish the responsibility to someone else, and therefore chose to take a non-active role.
Us-them
The interaction between health personnel and next-of-kin was in general described as an “us-them” relationship. This was based on having to force an entry for dialogue when wanting to discuss a subject. When asked to elaborate; the interviewees spoke of health personnel who were inaccessible and invisible or being met with excuses and various explanations perceived as rationalization. An exception was at end of life where dialogue was tight and in advance.
‘The whole experience of the nursing home is perhaps it is more of a workplace for the staff than a home for those living there.’ (Daughter)
There was a specific wish for the physician to be more accessible. With only one day present during weekdays the physician was hard to reach. A low threshold for a drop-in conversation was desired. The other health personnel on duty were occasionally perceived as hiding. There were, however, interviewees who stressed that they did not want to bother the physician unless it was really important and who were afraid of being perceived as someone wanting to double check the decisions made.
The next-of-kin were, however, able to give grounds to why they might perceive health personnel as inaccessible and invisible. Their visits were most likely during weekends or in the afternoon when staffing was lower, and they observed shortage of staff with only one nurse on duty per ward. Additionally, it was emphasized that there were personnel who were forthcoming, however, they were often overshadowed.