Can Media Campaigns Empower Women Facing Gender-Based Violence amid COVID-19?


 Women's exposure to gender-based and intimate partner violence (GBV and IPV) is particularly acute due to COVID-19, especially in the Global South. We test whether edutainment interventions that have been shown to successfully combat GBV and IPV when delivered in person can be effectively delivered using social (WhatsApp and Facebook) and traditional (TV) media. To do so, we randomized the mode of implementation of an intervention conducted by an Egyptian women’s rights non-governmental organization seeking to support women while accommodating social distancing amid COVID-19. We found WhatsApp to be a more effective way to deliver the intervention than Facebook, but no differences across outcomes between WhatsApp and TV dissemination. Our findings show that these media campaigns had no impact on women's attitudes toward gender or marital equality, or the justifiability of violence. However, the campaign did increase women's knowledge, hypothetical, and reported use of resources available to those exposed to GBV and IPV.


Main
The restrictions on movement, social isolation, and increased economic stress accompanying the COVID-19 pandemic have increased women's exposure to gender-based violence (GBV) and intimate partner violence (IPV) (1,2), particularly in the Global South (3)(4)(5). Beyond being morally reprehensible, GBV and IPV increase social inequality and undermine economic development (6,7). The prevalence of GBV and IPV across the globe and their significant economic costs have led to an increase in research on how to curb violence. Globally, systematic reviews have emphasized the need to shift norms that accept violence (6,8), remedy the economic and political marginalization of women (9)(10)(11), and consider community-based interventions including public engagement and advocacy (12)(13)(14).
COVID-19 has limited organizations' ability to implement traditional in-person, often communitybased, interventions, spurring the need for alternative ways of disseminating information and providing resources and support to women potentially impacted by violence. Harnessing the increased use of the internet and social media during the pandemic (15), we assess the impact of a social media and traditional TV campaign aimed at increasing women's rejection of violence and deepening knowledge of resources and support services available to those impacted by GBV and IPV.
Our study draws on findings that the expansion of entertainment programming along with cable TV has durably shifted gender norms and outcomes across contexts (16,17). Closely connected research on edutainment posits that exposure to role models or dramatized, entertaining content can change attitudes and motivate shifts in behavior by changing individuals' beliefs about the social desirability of a given behavior (18)(19)(20)(21). While some studies emphasize the relevance of individual role-modeling within dramatized media (16,17,22), others emphasize the importance of peer effects, whereby communal delivery of information shapes individuals' perceptions about the attitudes and behaviors of others in their immediate community (21,23,24). Studies that apply informational or edutainment interventions around GBV and IPV (22,(24)(25)(26) have produced mixed findings. Some have found that interventions increase rejection of violence (22,24), especially when delivered via communal channels, while related studies have found these interventions do not shift attitudes but increase individuals' willingness to report violence (25,26).
However, while scholars have used social media to examine phenomena like misinformation (27,28) and political accountability (29), we are not aware of any study that probes whether social media platforms like Facebook and WhatsApp can effectively deliver edutainment interventions, which often rely on traditional film distribution or in-person gatherings for communal screenings. Similarly, we are not aware of any study that compares the relative effectiveness of social and traditional media in delivering such interventions.
Egypt, the context of our intervention, features high levels of gender inequality and genderbased violence, ranking 129th out of 153 countries in the World Economic Forum's 2020 Global Gender Gap Index (30), reflecting the high rates of GBV and IPV in the broader Arab world (31,32). 36% of ever-married women between the ages of 15-49 surveyed in 2015 report having experienced physical domestic violence, but only one-third of these women sought help to stop violence and only 18% reported it (33). There are several phenomena that explain such low levels of help seeking and reporting. More than half of ever-married women surveyed in 2005 express that physical domestic violence (hitting or beating) was justifiable in some cases (34, p. 1128). Social norms that blame women who are exposed to intimate partner violence and sanction women who report violence to authorities also sustain its occurrence (35). Those who do reject violence and would report it must contend with the challenges of navigating the Egyptian legal system's handling of violence against women amid the absence of some legal protections against IPV (35,36).
Advocacy organizations acknowledging the challenges of reporting individually to authorities also support women directly, by providing them with resources and counseling on ways to safely respond to violence. Amid COVID-19, evidence shows that these organizations are in high demand, as mobility limitations led to increased searches for online resources around domestic violence (2). The social distancing of COVID-19 though also presented existing organizations with broader challenges in attempting to reach isolated audiences, as social distancing renders women without knowledge of resources and organizations especially vulnerable (5). Our initial survey of close to 6,000 Egyptian women showed that only 28% exhibited any knowledge of online resources and 22% knew of any organizations available to support women affected by GBV or IPV.
To explore the potential for content delivered over social and traditional media to shift attitudes, increase knowledge of available resources and shift behaviors around responding to GBV and IPV, we worked with an established women's rights non-governmental organization (NGO), the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights (ECWR), whose media programs, hotlines, and legal advocacy seek to shift women's rejection of violence, address norms that heighten women's inequality, and provide resources to aid women impacted by violence. The organization, and particularly its founder, women's rights lawyer Nehad Aboul Qomsan, views social media and TV as an important, underutilized tool for NGOs and public agencies to connect with women subjected to violence and disseminate information about resources available for such women, especially given social distancing restrictions common in the pandemic.
We analyzed how encouragement to watch videos produced by ECWR and Aboul Qomsan with content aimed at empowering women shifted attitudes, knowledge, and responses to violence. Moreover, we tested the relative effectiveness of two forms of media. The first was a weekly television show featuring Aboul Qomsan airing on a popular satellite channel, with episodes around 25-30 minutes in length. For the second set, ECWR and Aboul Qomsan produced thirteen videos to be disseminated over social media and hosted online. While different in length and setting, the TV show and the video messages featured similar content centered on topics related to women's empowerment, sexual harassment, and violence against women (for more details, see Tables S1 and S2), with a similar tone and conversational aimed to cue the role modeling effects emphasized in edutainment interventions. In the videos, Aboul Qomsan addresses linkages between patriarchal social norms and exposure to violence; emphasizes that women are not to blame for violence; defines violence beyond just physical force and highlights its prevalence in the family, workplace, and in public; details Egypt's legal system, including where it needs reform; and instructs friends and families who become aware of violence to support victims. Importantly, the videos often emphasize how women can access NGOs, like through an ECWRsponsored hotline, that can connect women with support resources, including legal consultations. When discussing high-level violence like rape, Aboul Qomsan also underscores procedures to preserve evidence and immediately notify the police. She formally discusses the hotline at the end of most video messages, while she emphasizes several organizations and intricacies of navigating the Egyptian legal system more diffusely in the TV show. When discussing the complexities of the Egyptian legal system, Aboul Qomsan often emphasizes that respondents should contact ECWR, who can provide legal representation.
Our intervention resembled those fielded in person in contexts as diverse as India (37), Mexico (24), and Uganda (25,26), but distinctively differred in how we recruited participants into the study and especially in how we delivered the content. We identified 5,618 Egyptian women recruited through Facebook advertisements who completed a baseline survey and expressed interest in receiving information and about women's issues in Egypt and randomly assigned them into different treatment arms, described below. As Figure 1 shows, these women are demographically representative of the female internet users in Egypt. After delivering the intervention content, we conducted an endline survey to explore how the content shaped their attitudes, knowledge, hypothetical and reported behaviors, and future outlook toward gender equality and empowerment.
We randomly assigned individuals to receive the content in one of five ways (see Tables S3-S11 for details on the randomization and balance in demographics and initial attitudes across treatment arms). The first, a control group, received all treatment content upon completion of the endline survey. The second, a treatment group, received WhatsApp messages reminding them about the TV show, with information about when the show would air and the channel it would air on, over an eight week period. In the remaining three treatment arms, we delivered video messages via the two most popular social media platforms in Egypt: WhatsApp and Facebook (38). Participants assigned to the other three treatment arms-Facebook, WhatsApp Individual or WhatsApp Group-received thirteen links to a website publishing the videos mentioned earlier over the course of the same eight week period. Those in the WhatsApp Individual treatment received individual messages, while those in the WhatsApp Group received messages in groups of between eight and twelve other users. In both, the Individual and Group treatments, moderators answered basic questions about the goals of the research, but there was no in-depth moderation. Lastly, those respondents assigned to the Facebook treatment initially received in-dividual messages via Facebook's Custom Messages Channel. However, this treatment arm was transitioned to individual WhatsApp receipt after the delivery of four videos due to a technical issue with the Facebook account. In the subsequent analysis, we pool individuals who received the messages via WhatsApp and Facebook individually.
We examine whether a mode of delivery was particularly effective in generating treatment consumption and ultimately shifting attitudes, increasing knowledge of information about resources and support, and changing behaviors. Communally-delivered content may provoke more substantive shifts in attitudes and behaviors than content delivered individually, by generating discussions conducive to changes in individuals' beliefs about social norms (24,39). In using the Group functionality of WhatsApp, we aimed to measure whether communally transmitted information on social media functions similarly to offline groups. Observing conversation in groups before endline, however, we noted very low levels of aggregate conversation (for more details, see Table S12).
Because our study is unlike other edutainment interventions around GBV and IPV in its use of social and traditional media to deliver content rather than communal screenings or radio broadcasts (22,25,26), a first challenge was whether individuals would consume the content, given their limited attention and especially the significant amount of information and notifications they receive online. For those in the social media treatment arms, who received messages with links to a server that showed videos hosted on YouTube, we are able to measure their aggregate visits to the server and total YouTube views. While this data is subject to error around the website's calculation of unique users, Figure S1 and Tables 13 and S14 suggest that approximately 45% of those in the social media treatment arms visited the site, and that the mean visitor watched between 2 and 3 videos.
This same server data also allows us to explore the relative effectiveness of Facebook vis-avis WhatsApp in ways that self-reported viewing at endline would not. Using a differencein-difference design that compares website views between participants assigned to different treatment arms before and after we transitioned the initial Facebook treatment group to receive videos individually via WhatsApp, we show that, in addition to the technical issue necessitating the switch, WhatsApp also was a more effective method to deliver the treatment content in terms of generating video views. For more details, see Figures S2 and S3.
In addition to measuring the extent to which treated participants internalized the treatment information through indexes of reported consumption of videos and knowledge about treatment information (Tables S15-16), we focus on the following indexes as outcomes: attitudes around violence, gender, and marital equality; reported and hypothetical behavior; as well as future outlook toward gender and marital equality. Knowledge questions measured respondents' ability to list organizations and online resources available to support women (Table S17). We measured attitudinal outcomes via two indexes, both centered around content explicitly delivered in the videos. The first index of gender and marital equality includes questions around the husband's role in the family, women's place in the workforce, and the justifiability of forms of violence like yelling and hitting (Table S18). The second index revolves around attitudes toward sexual violence, including questions on whether verbal harassment carries legal consequences, harassment in the street and the workplace, and whether women's clothing plays any role in exposure to violence (Table S19). In line with other studies' use of donations to measure commitment to a cause (40,41), we also measured whether our intervention shifted individuals' willingness to make a donation to a support organization, in this case by sacrificing some or all of their remuneration for the endline survey (Table S20).
Our main behavioral outcomes centered around hypothetical and recent use of resources in response to domestic or sexual violence (Tables S21 to S23). We pre-registered the intervention's focus on accessing support organizations or online resources, which were emphasized in the treatment content. Finally, we measured outcomes related to respondents' beliefs about whether Egyptian women would achieve gender equality and gender rights in the future (Table  S24). These questions measured women's beliefs that in the future women would have an equal say in family decisions, as well as more equal legal rights, access to education, and economic opportunities. We also measured reported outcomes that we did not expect our intervention to shift, like self-reported exposure to violence (Table S25-S26), hypothetical reporting behaviors to family members or authorities (Tables S27-S28), as well as reporting behaviors prior to COVID-19 (Table S29). Table S30 displays all of the questions used to generate these endline indices.

Results
We first show that there was a successful treatment-information delivery, as individuals in the various treatment arms were more likely to report receiving and viewing treatment content, and were able to accurately describe the content of either the videos disseminated over social media or the TV show. These results in Figure 2 underscore the utility of using both social and traditional media to deliver this type of content (Panel 3, 0.12-.30 SD increase, p < 0.01; see disaggregated results for the individual outcomes aggregated into the index in Table S17). The successful treatment delivery over social media is particularly noteworthy, given the high numbers of messages that women in Egypt may have received each day, especially during the pandemic (2).
Individuals who received the videos or reminders to watch the TV show also reported increased knowledge about information on resources for women subjected to violence, which were continuously emphasized in the treatment content. As in the results that follow, there is no robust difference in knowledge acquisition between those receiving the treatment content via What-sApp (individually or in groups) or the TV shows.
Figures 3 through 5 display our results in terms of attitudes, resource use, and future outlook. The results in Figure 3 show that receipt of the videos over social media or reminders to watch the TV show did not shift individuals' beliefs toward gender and marital equality, increase re-jection of sexual violence, or increase willingness to donate to support organizations. Tables S18 through S20 show disaggregated results for each attitudinal outcome separately, and similarly shows null results across all outcomes. We similarly see no indication that 'ceiling effects' among individuals who at baseline hold attitudes rejecting violence or were more in favor of gender and marital equality drive these null results (Columns 5-7 in Table S34). Instead, these results underscore the stickiness of attitudes toward gender norms, which are reinforced by patriarchal cultural norms, prevailing religious interpretations, and via economic structures like labor market barriers (41,42).
In contrast, the intervention successfully encouraged treated participants to use the resources for women subjected to violence emphasized in the videos and the TV show ( Figure 4). The two central plots of the figure show that, in hypothetical scenarios of response to domestic and sexual violence, treated participants were more likely to report that they would seek to use online resources or contact an organization (0.08-0.11 SD increase, at least p < 0.05; Tables S21 and S22 report disaggregated results).
However, as we expected, the intervention had no impact on individuals' hypothetical responses to violence via talking to family members or contacting the authorities (for more details, see Figure S4 and Tables S27 and S28). The preregistration anticipated these results, as the treatment content did not emphasize or encourage these forms of reporting. In portions of both the videos and TV show, Aboul Qomsan alludes to ongoing efforts to improve women's protections in the Egyptian legal system, and alludes to recent court cases in which women subjected to violence struggled to access justice. Given this background, we did not anticipate that the intervention would meaningfully have an impact on the perception of the Egyptian legal system, and thus associated behavior.
More importantly, in addition to reporting more willingness to contact a support organization or use online resources for women affected by violence, treated women were also more likely to report recent contact with a support organization and use of these resources (right column of Figure 4, 0.1 SD increase, p < 0.01, for WG and TV; 0.06 SD increase, p < 0.1, for FB + WI; Table S23 reports disaggregated results). The left panel of Figure 4 shows that these changes in behavior are not due to increased exposure to violence; as we anticipated, there is a precise null on reported experience of domestic and sexual violence during COVID-19 (see Table S25 for disaggregated results).
Finally, despite having limited impact on women's attitudes toward gender and marital equality and rejection of violence, those who received messages via WhatsApp and Facebook individually or who received the WhatsApp reminders about the TV show expressed increased beliefs that women would achieve greater gender and marital equality in the future for participants who received individual messages via WhatsApp and Facebook, or who received reminders of the TV show ( Figure 5, 0.1 -0.13 SD increase, p<0.05). However, this result does not extend to those who received the messages via WhatsApp groups. This null result in WhatsApp Groups may be due to the absence of substantial interactions in those groups.
Comparison with cross-national surveys and analysis of how results differed according to key initial attitudinal and demographic variables show that our results likely extend beyond those in our sample. While Figure 1 shows that the women in our study demographically reflect female internet users in Egypt, Figure 6 displays how their attitudes differ from those of women surveyed in the two most recent rounds of the nationally representative Arab Barometer survey. The data show that the women who participated in our study express attitudes slightly more in favor of gender and marital equality at baseline than respondents in the most recent waves of the Arab Barometer survey. Similarly, women in our study are more likely to report at baseline that they would consider contacting an organization, and are more likely to report knowing of or experiencing violence; however, these questions are worded differently across the questionnaires.
We thus examine heterogeneous effects according to baseline demographics and attitudes, as it was possible that ceiling effects in terms of already favorable attitudes toward gender or marital equality and greater rejection of violence led to our null finding. Further, age could have played an important role in shaping individuals' responses to the content, and our experimental sample is slightly younger than that of those women who reported having access to the internet in the Arab Barometer survey (Tables S31 and S32). While young people are perhaps easier to reach on social media, previous edutainment interventions have underscored that role modeling from a relatable figure can play an important psychological cueing mechanism (20). As Nehad Aboul Qomsan is an accomplished professional and a mother, we might have expected to see stronger results among older women. However, we find that there are no heterogeneous effects on our findings according to these baseline attitudes or demographic variables (Appendix Tables S33  and S34). This absence of heterogeneous effects suggests any compositional differences in our sample do not impact the generalizability of our results. Finally, the precise nulls on placebo outcomes that our intervention should have no impact on -reported experience of violence during COVID-19, recalled experiences of violence before COVID-19, or use of resources before COVID-19 (for more details see, Figure S5, Tables S25, S26, and S29) -emphasize that social desirability bias is not driving the shifts we detect in hypothetical or recently reported use of resources.

Discussion
Our findings align, first and foremost, with those that find dramatized interventions can generate increased reporting of violence without necessarily impacting underlying attitudes (25,26). Unlike these other studies, we focus more specifically on the use of online resources and access to support organizations who can provide help, possibly remotely, to women subjected to GBV and IPV in a context of rising levels of such violence.
Our study further extends findings from edutainment interventions, including those addressing GBV and IPV, via its distribution through social media and TV. Interventions delivered via so-cial media and TV differ considerably relative to those delivered via communal film screenings (22,25,26), or transmission (24), such that they may not induce discussion or cue perceptions that others' norms are shifting, limiting their behavioral impact. Alongside traditional media such as TV and despite these differences, social media platforms like Facebook and WhatsApp can be highly impactful because they are increasingly popular in Egypt (43) and elsewhere, and allow for low-cost-even free-information dissemination that circumvents mobility restrictions resulting from COVID-19.
Future work should extend our findings by considering how to deliver similar programming to men or consider mixed-gender groups. Several recent, successful interventions that purposefully include men and male community leaders have shifted women's access to the labor market (44) and exposure to violence (13), or shown that edutainments' impacts can work through shifts in male attitudes (22). We did not include men in our intervention because Aboul Qomsan's content is geared toward women, and because the high prevalence of online harassment constrained us from creating mixed-gender groups. Future online interventions should carefully consider how to appropriately include men without cueing fears or heightening the risk of online harassment.

Sample recruitment
Our Facebook advertisements recruited approximately 10,000 Egyptian women to a baseline survey. To incentivize participation, respondents who completed the survey received 25 Egyptian Pounds (1.2 USD) in mobile phone credit. As part of the baseline survey, respondents were invited to text a project WhatsApp account, add the number to their contacts, and follow and send a message a project Facebook account to request receiving additional information and videos about women's issues in Egypt. After removing individuals with duplicated responses, who we feared were not genuinely interested, we identified 5,618 Egyptian women interested in receiving such information and videos. In an endline survey conducted between September 10 and October 11, 2020, endline response rates were balanced among treatment conditions at 75% yielding a final sample of 4,165 participants.
We chose to recruit an all-female sample for two practical reasons beyond allowing a close focus on women's attitudes. First, our partner's content is designed to speak to and spark conversation among women and to address sensitive topics around GBV and IPV. Second, as some of our treatment content was disseminated via Whatsapp groups, rather than individually, we sought to avert the potential for harassment of women online that may have been more likely to occur in mixed-gender groups. Figure S6 shows that our final sample of Egyptian women was largely drawn from more densely populated Egyptian governorates, and in particular Egypt's most populous city and its capital, Cairo. However, Figure 1 shows that respondents were demographically similar in age, education, relationship status, number of children, and extent of media usage, to Egyptian women who reported having access to the internet-the study's population of interest-in the 2016 and 2018 rounds of the nationally-representative Arab Barometer survey.

Treatment Assignment, Content and Distribution
To ensure balance among treatment arms according to baseline demographics and attitudes, we used block randomization to assign baseline respondents who showed interest in receiving information and videos about women's issues in Egypt to one of our five treatment conditions. Appendix Table S3 displays details on the block randomization procedure, assignment to treatment, and endline response rates across treatment arms. Appendix Tables S4-S11 show that the randomization was successful.
Treated participants received nudges to consume one of two sets of videos with intervention information. The first set of videos constituted the latest season of a weekly TV show called Hekayat Nehad (Nehad's Stories), aired on a popular satellite channel, Al Kahera Wa Al Nas, on Saturday evenings between June 27, 2020 and September 5, 2020. The shows' 10 episodes were around 25-30 minutes in length and featured Aboul Qomsan sitting in a TV studio and speaking directly to the camera in a conversational tone. The second set was thirteen 5-9 minute videos disseminated over social media, which featured a similar narrative style as the TV show. Appendix Tables S1 and S2 summarize the content of each TV episode and video disseminated over social media, while Figure S7 shows an example of the landing page that social media users accessed.
Participants in the TV Reminder treatment received a WhatsApp message every. Saturday informing them about the time and channel of the show Hekayat Nehad over an eight week period from July 18, 2020 through September 5, 2020. Since we received IRB approval three weeks after the TV show started, the first of eight messages we delivered also pointed to the location of videos from the first three episodes. Participants assigned to the other three treatment arms-Facebook, WhatsApp Individual or WhatsApp Group-received thirteen links to a website publishing the videos mentioned earlier over the course of the same period.

Relative Effectiveness of Facebook vis-a-vis WhatsApp
To explore the relative effectiveness of Facebook vis-a-vis WhatsApp in generating consumption of the treatment information, we use server-visit data and conduct a difference-in-differences analysis that exploits the fact that participants assigned to receive videos through Facebook were transitioned to WhatsApp Individual delivery after the delivery of four videos due to a technical issue. Figure S3 displays visits per assigned user across videos distinguishing for Facebook and WhatsApp Individual treatments. Figure S4 reports the corresponding means for the first four weeks and the last eight weeks. The difference in means between those two periods and across Facebook and WhatsApp Individual treatments indicates that the individual dissemination of videos via WhatsApp was much more effective than through Facebook, with 0.126 (p < 0.05) visits more per assigned users for WhatsApp Individual than for Facebook. These differences show that, in addition to the technical issue we faced with our Facebook account, WhatsApp was a more effective method to deliver the treatment content in terms of generating video views.

Empirical Specification for Statistical Analysis
Our main results are from the following Intent-To-Treat Specification using weighted generalized least squares (WGLS): where Y i is an outcome of interest of individual i; F &W I, W G, and T V are respectively indicators for treatment assignment to Facebook or WhatsApp Individual, WhatsApp Group, and TV Reminders; X i are baseline-individual controls from the corresponding family of outcomes, γ b are block-randomization fixed effects. The regression weights correspond to the inverse probability of treatment assignment, as detailed in Appendix Table S1. Our primary estimates (α 1−3 ) recover the treatment effects for the Facebook or WhatsApp Individual, WhatsApp Group, and TV Reminder treatments.  Table S30.  Table S15. The outcomes included in the index of videos of women's empowerment and support are in Table S16. The outcomes included in the index of knowledge about treatment information are in Table S17.  Table S18. The outcomes included in the index of attitudes on sexual violence are in Table S19. The outcomes included in the index of donation to organizations supporting women are in Table S20.  Table S25. The outcomes included in the index of hypothetical use of online resources and contact with an organization when responding to domestic violence are in Table S21. The outcomes included in the index of hypothetical use of online resources and contact with an organization when responding to sexual violence are in Table S22. The outcomes included in the index of recent use of online resources and contact with an organization during COVID-19 are those in Table S23. 15  Table S24.  Table S31. The "Support from" variables differ in both surveys: the Arab Barometer survey asked whether respondents thought that a family member who was abused would be able to receive assistance from each of the actors, and our survey asked whether respondents would recommend a friend or family member who was abused to reach each of the actors.
(2) The "Experienced violence" variable differs in both surveys: the Arab Barometer survey asked if in the last twelve months a female member of the household was abused by another member, and our survey asked whether, in the month before the COVID-19 pandemic, they heard of someone or themselves experienced being hit by a man.

References and Notes 6 Acknowledgements
Larreguy gratefully acknowledges funding from the French Agence   Table S24. The outcomes included in the index of hypothetical talking to husband and family members, or reporting to authorities when responding to sexual violence are in Table S25.  Table S26. The outcomes included in the index of recent use of online resources and contact with an organization before COVID-19 are in Table S27            Notes: We report estimates from WGLS regressions where the weights are in the inverse probability of treatment assignment, including randomization block fixed effects. * denotes p<0.1, ** denotes p<0.05, and *** denotes p<0.01.  Notes: Website data provides the number of unique IPs, unique users, and total visits by treatment assignment. A Unique User is determined via cookies and thus corresponds to a specific individual in a particular device. Note that this table reports different treatment assignment numbers than Table S1 as it includes assignments to individuals who responded twice to the endline survey, and thus were excluded from the study.   1,1,1,1,1,  1,1,1,1,1,1    Index of (-1,-1,-1,1,  -1,-1,-1,1   Notes: We report estimates from WGLS regressions where the weights are in the inverse probability of treatment assignment, including randomization block fixed effects. * denotes p<0.1, ** denotes p<0.05, and *** denotes p<0.01.            Notes: For every variable, each row shows the mean, standard deviation, and number of observations. The "Support from" variables differ in both surveys: the Arab Barometer survey asked whether respondents thought that a family member who was abused would be able to receive assistance from each of the actors, and our survey asked whether respondents would recommend a friend or family member who was abused to reach each of the actors. (2) The "Experienced violence" variable differs in both surveys: the Arab Barometer survey asked if in the last twelve months a female member of the household was abused by another member, and our survey asked whether, in the month before the COVID-19 pandemic, they heard of someone or themselves experienced being hit by a man. Notes: We report estimates from WGLS regressions where the weights are in the inverse probability of treatment assignment, including randomization block fixed effects. All regressions include controls for all baseline covariates in the outcome family as stated in their corresponding Tables from Table S13 to Table S23. * denotes p<0.1, ** denotes p<0.05, and *** denotes p<0.01. Notes: We report estimates from WGLS regressions where the weights are in the inverse probability of treatment assignment, including randomization block fixed effects. All regressions include controls for all baseline covariates in the outcome family as stated in their corresponding Tables from Table S13 to Table S23. * denotes p<0.1, ** denotes p<0.05, and *** denotes p<0.01.