Of the 15 informants, both men and women, all except one were within the initial target group (Table 1). However, because the informant aged above 35 years had long experience of having a precarious employment situation, we included this interview in the analysis. Most of the informants were born in Sweden, and the other informants represented countries within and outside Europe. All informants had completed secondary school in Sweden, and one third had studied at the university level. A majority currently had jobs; however, most were employed on an hourly basis, and only a few had temporary full-time jobs. They had experiences from a broad range of branches such as hotel and restaurant, transport and logistics, elder care, trade, school and education, and financial services. However, most of the employed informants currently worked in branches not related to their educational background.
Table 1
Socio-demographic characteristics of informants
Sex | Age | Country of origin | Education in Sweden | Work | Sector |
Woman | 20 | Sweden | Secondary school | Hourly | Public |
Woman | 22 | Sweden | Secondary school | Hourly | Private |
Woman | 22 | Sweden | Secondary school | Unemployed | - |
Woman | 23 | Outside Sweden | Secondary school | Unemployed | - |
Woman | 25 | Sweden | Secondary school | Temporary Full time | Private |
Woman | 28 | Sweden | Secondary school | Hourly | Private |
Woman | 28 | Sweden | University | Hourly | Public |
Woman | 29 | Sweden | Secondary school | Hourly | Public |
Woman | 32 | Sweden | University | University studies | - |
Man | 23 | Outside Sweden | University | Hourly | Public |
Man | 24 | Outside Sweden | Secondary school | Hourly | Private |
Man | 25 | Outside Sweden | University | Temporary Full time | Private |
Man | 29 | Sweden | Secondary school | Hourly | Private |
Man | 31 | Sweden | University | Hourly | Private |
Man | 39 | Outside Sweden | Secondary school | Hourly | Private |
Diverting blame to stay sane
The analysis resulted in the construction of one core category “Diverting blame to stay sane,” which was interpreted as a means for young people to cope with or overcome the mental stress that being in a precarious employment situation meant to them. However, we clearly observed from the analysis that the direction of blame varied from taking on full individual responsibility for their precarious situation to fully placing the responsibility on the societal and structural contexts, namely, the labour market and the lack of opportunities provided.
The hypothesis we proposed is as follows: the more young people manage to avoid taking on individual blame, the less likely the precarious employment situation is to influence their health negatively. Figure 2 provides an overview of the developed theoretical model with the four main categories, “Facing reality,” ”Losing control,” “Adapting,” and “Fighting back,” and all are related to the core category. The first two main categories focus on what precarious employment means to them, the last two points more directly to the strategies used to maintain health. The sub-categories show variation in experiences, re-actions, and strategies during the process that to a varying degree influence their health. In Fig. 2, these sub-categories are placed in relation to individual and structural responsibility to depict what re-actions and strategies are protective and what represents threats to health. In the more detailed presentation, the results are presented under the headings of the main categories with the sub-categories in bold italics in the text indicating their properties. Quotes are provided to support how the interpretation is grounded in the data.
[Fig. 2 here. Caption: Fig. 2. A theoretical model of the links between the core category “Diverting blame to stay sane” and the main categories “Facing reality,” “Losing balance,” “Adapting,” “Reframing reality,” and their properties.]
Facing reality
The category facing reality comprised aspects of what it meant for young people to realize the limited job opportunities available. In retrospect, they could blame themselves or others for having made wrong decisions in high school by not thinking about the implications on job opportunities. Others felt they made the right choice but still could not find a job as they entered the labour market. Facing reality meant realizing that they had to accept the jobs offered and that there was no chance of receiving a full-time job, only part-time or hourly job. Reality was perceived as difficult and merciless, resulting in social and psychological consequences that affected their self-confidence negatively.
The informants' narratives indicated a unanimous picture of frustration with their work situation resulting from having to take what was offered— or not get a job at all. None had actually been able to obtain jobs of the type they wanted or were educated for. Often they had started with an internship, a type of job that often was extended repeatedly but rarely led to a permanent job. The job opportunities offered varied from having to be in standby mode all the time, just in case the employer would offer them a job for the day, to having a fairly regular schedule to follow but still on a temporary basis. The expectation to be grateful for getting a job, even if only temporary, was sometimes felt as a burden.
"It sounds good. I mean you have a job, they call and you get money. But how long will they keep calling? How many times do I have to sacrifice my free days?” (Interview 4, man)
The informants described how their work situation made planning impossible because they did not know if they would need to be on standby waiting for phone calls or an SMS. This situation affected their social life in relation to partners, children, families, and friends, even if they and their loved ones tended to become accustomed to this inconsistency. For those with children, being unable to plan became extra problematic. Having to leave children at day-care early in the morning, just in case there would be work that day caused guilt about being a bad parent. Not being able to plan also influenced their more long-term planning for adulthood by, for example, limiting their possibilities to enter the housing market. They were unable to obtain a rental contract and could not obtain bank loans without contacts or relatives prepared to become their creditors or provide private loans.
”It makes life difficult, you get stuck for example with housing… you can’t apply for any housing because you can’t prove that you earn money, even if you have actually earned money and paid your rent for 10 years...” (Interview 1, man)
A precarious employment situation also implied a constant worry about making ends meet, namely, never knowing how much money would be left at the end of the month. Some months individuals would earn a large salary, but in other months, that salary could be reduced to nearly nothing, generating a lot of stress. Temporary employment or being hired on an hourly basis also meant not obtain the salary until the month after, which took time to become accustomed to. For women in relationships and with children, this variation in salary could cause tension and force them into stereotypical relationships where they would be homemakers the man compensated for the one income by working more and longer hours. Many narratives illustrated how worries about irregular income resulted in not being able to buy even the most necessary things and how it limited their social interaction with friends.
”… can I buy new clothes this month or do I have to wait until next month? When friends call and ask if you want to go out with them, you have to think, ok, how much is this going to cost? … and then if you do decide to go out with them you have to think, where can I save money in these next couple of weeks so that I can actually afford this…” (Interview 13, woman)
This worry also made parents feel guilty for having to deny their children leisure time activities such as going to the movies. From the interviews, we clearly observed that being hired temporarily or hourly meant having no say about the working conditions and made it difficult to have demands or make complaints. Some described how this made them feel exploited and controlled by the employers, still understanding their standpoints, and thus facing reality.
Losing balance
This category illustrated how being in a precarious employment situation manifests, to different degrees, by making young people lose balance in different ways. The joint experience of living with stress and worry takes its toll and makes it hard to believe in your capacity and your possibilities to influence the situation. The effects on mental health vary and range from tiredness and sleeping problems to diagnosed depression and losing self-confidence and faith in possibilities for improvement.
For the informants, not knowing how their employment situation would develop resulted in living with constant stress and worry and manifested in sleep disturbances that influenced their daily life.
” There haven’t been many nights I have had my full 8 hours sleep… You just get a bit worried that’s all, like there is always something in the background, which is worrying me, then you realize that is must be work. Then you come here (to work) and feel calm because everyone is so supportive, saying that everything is going to be ok, you won’t be without a job with your experience… but as soon as you leave here, the uncertainty is back again.” (Interview 5, woman)
Sleeping problems were also related to unhealthy eating, and excessive alcohol consumption was described as one means to cope with a stressful work situation. The experience of having sought emergency care from mistaking the symptoms of stress for severe illness was recalled in several of the narratives. The informants could also clearly describe the vicious circle that living with stress and worry resulted in. The level of stress was high almost all the time because they never knew for sure if they would be offered a work opportunity and also knew that if they turned down an offer that that could result in no more offers. Not knowing could also cause competition and irritation within a relationship.
Stress could also result in feeling powerlessness and blaming themselves for not having a stable job situation even if intellectually understanding that this was not the case.
” The stress makes me feel powerless and I can get very upset. I feel like it’s my fault that I should be doing something about it and that really smart people don’t end up here… like it really affects your confidence a lot. Even though, at the same time, I know intellectually that no, that’s not how it is actually.” (Interview 8, woman)
The informants' stories clearly indicated that being in a precarious employment situation for a longer time resulted in lacking energy to take charge, and they described becoming increasingly passive. After having too many work applications rejected, they started to feel that searching for a job was a pointless struggle and started to consider other solutions for making money. Others attempted to keep their hope up but described the short distance between losing faith and giving up.
The informants portrayed being in a precarious employment situation as feeling like a second-hand citizens, that is, not having the same rights or opportunities as others. Constantly having to be in a standby mode, not being able to say no, and the constant worry about money were the most prominent concerns making them feel shame and less worthy as human beings. Additionally, the limited possibility of having a decent home was perceived as socially degrading and was pointed out by informants with and without children. The following narrative illustrates what it meant to one informant to not be able to choose where to live and fulfil her dreams.
”Now we live in like a slum… I would not have said no to living in an area where my children could be outside and play on their own and I could see them from the window. I can do that now too, but there are needles out there, there are young people who use drugs and such, I don’t even go out there on my own with my children… So you check out you know, what it would be like if we lived there with that kind of life. But then you look at the rent and say, no, we have to stay in the slum a while longer… so you just have to dream for now… I think about these things a lot at the moment…” (Interview 6, woman)
Based on the informants' narratives, the joint experience of living with work-related stress and worry increased the risk of moving in and out of depression or depressive related symptoms.
” It’s awful, I have burnt-out many times. My husband has also had a burnout, he was on sick leave for 6 months because of stress, before he’d even turned 30…”(Interview 7, woman)
However, the difficulty of recognizing or acknowledging depressive symptoms was observed in that they were described by the informants merely in terms of tiredness and passivity. Not being able to recognize depression could also result in food self-medication with consequences for other aspects of health. Being a parent could make becoming depressive because easier to admit because of the obvious consequences on the ability to care for children. The following quote illustrates how one of the informants cried out for help but experienced how difficulty it was for people around them to recognize what was occurring.
”... I mean I noticed that I just wanted to sleep and that I couldn’t even get myself out of bed. Everyone went around and asked why I only slept, what was wrong with me and everyone went around complaining about how I looked. I have only lost a bit of weight and now everyone is asking me what I eat and things like that. I was completely shocked, I mean what is this? It is not that I don’t want to eat, I mean I do eat it is just so… don’t you see that I have no energy left?” (Interview 9, woman)
The informants who had experienced not being able to obtain a job for the longest time and/or having a criminal record expressed the most hopelessness, seeing no way out. Having exhausted the available possibilities, pursued an education, and applied for job after job and still not having gotten a job opportunity was perceived as devastating. For parents, there was an additional concern about the consequences for the coming generation of not being able to be a good parent without a regular job.
Adapting
This category points to different strategies used to adapt to the situation and thereby counteract the negative impact that the precarious employment situation had on health and social interactions. How this was accomplished differed and included actively opposing the situation by not accepting everything offered and trying out new methods to obtain jobs. It also meant exploring alternative opportunities for meaningful interaction with other people but also to depending heavily on the availability of family and significant others.
One meant to adapt at least partly to the situation was claiming the right to say no to job offers that did not feel suitable. This action increased the informants feeling of being autonomous and able to make decisions over their own lives, but the opportunity seemed mainly available for those with higher education and aspirations.
” I am actually a qualified economist, on that level, but I have even considered applying for jobs as an economist’s assistant which are lower just to try and get a foot in. But I haven’t taken jobs as a cleaner… or jobs which aren’t related to what I do…” (Interview 2, man)
Another argument for the right to say no was to refer to health reasons to claim that they could not take a job that would make them sick in the long run. However, we also observed that the choice of saying no to job offers was not an easy choice and could be met by resistance from family and friends.
Relying on private contacts and avoiding public institutions such as the public job placement service to obtain job offers was an important lesson learned. Others described how they, even for temporary employment, depended on knowing to the employer and that only by having these contacts would they even have an opportunity to work.
” I worked for example at X and that was just because there were many people at my other job who also worked there… I mean that’s how it works, that’s how you get work.” (Interview 1, man)
From the interviews, we clearly observed that having the possibility of finding strength in significant others such as a caring family or children to take care of made a big difference in their ability to cope with the consequences of being in a precarious employment situation. The respondents with supportive family or friends described how they helped them keep up their motivation and hope when feeling low after too many rejections of job applications.
” … I have friends and relatives who tell me, don’t give up it is going to happen sometime, I can help you, we can go out and… you can come over to my place and we can apply for some jobs together, I have always had people who push me...” (Interview 10, woman)
Having a combination of supportive friends and relatives that offer practical help and the responsibility for a pet animal was also mentioned as increasing the possibility of maintaining mental strength. For parents, having children significantly motivated them to continue striving to provide their children a decent childhood. Children provided energy when times were tough.
The informants also described how being in a precarious employment situation forced them to find new arenas to meet people to replace work-related interactions. The internet had obviously become a critical means of communicating with others and gaining new friendships when not involved in workplace relationships.
” I mean we live in a world where there is so much choice. I spend a lot of time online with my fellow bloggers and even though I want to shut down my blog I haven’t dared to because what happens when I don’t have that community?” (Interview 7, woman)
To maintain their mood and to avoid social isolation, others described their efforts to continue to go out with friends or have friends visit, despite having no money to spend. They struggled to find activities that were free or low cost; then, they could meet with their friends outside their home. There were also informants who emphasized the importance of physical exercise and described how this activity became a means to avoid being idle and made them feel happier about life.
Reframing reality
This category refers to the different explanations of precarious employment and how the informants started to reframe their reality to be able to maintain health. The explanations included finding different structural explanations to distance themselves from responsibility to merely accept the situation and hope for better times.
Among those from a working-class background, finding structural explanations was not far-fetched regarding their present work situation based on their limited resources during childhood.
Others were from a more middle-class background that reflected in a similar way and pointed out how they were indeed privileged and maintained hope about their prospects. For a person with a criminal record, this situation was an evident explanation for the experiences of closed doors to the labor market but also seemed to help with understanding the situations for those without.
” In my case, I thought instantly that it’s something to do with my record, so it’s to be expected. But for other people who have a clean record and education and they apply for jobs over and over, of course it affects them. I think they feel a lot worse than I have done.” (Interview 4, man)
The recent influx of refugees was also used as a partial explanation for their difficulties in the labour market, illustrating a harsher societal climate where vulnerable groups are put against each other.
” Ok, now I am going to sound really racist, but I am not very happy with all these new refugees who have got ‘start-up jobs’ … What about me? Should I not also get help with a start-up job for example? I am a little envious of them. I feel that Sweden is more interested in helping them… Sweden is more interested in helping everyone apart than their own.” (Interview 10, woman)
An important driver to take some form of action and engage in own and others rights was the anger and frustration that being in a precarious employment situation had created. For some of the informants, this led to joining a union, which also helped them maintain their health.
” Of course it affects me, because I am quite angry about how we are being treated. I have also started getting involved with the unions, it is a driving force which makes me feel better, I think… I am trying to make a difference, but it also just makes me even angrier.” (Interview 1. man)
Engaging in creating a common good was also regarded as making it possible to get through the day and see the work as meaningful because of the efforts to improve work conditions for others. Being involved in fighting for theirs and others rights also resulted in contacts with people with similar values and contributed to new friendships. For others, it was more of a general stance, that is, not accepting their situation and wanting to get more out of life by doing good.
” And I think about that all the time, what is the meaning of life? I feel like I am really not cut out to be a criminal or to work for a recruitment agency or any of that… there are other things that a person should do with their lives and that is what I have tried to do and that is what has made sure I haven’t given up or gone under...” (Interview 4, man)
Setting new goals within given boundaries was another strategy that the informants described as developing over time and helped them stay hopeful and feel that they mastered the situation. For example, turning experiences of a temporary job into something meaningful that they could use further on and that they felt grateful for. There were also informants that after being unemployed for a long time perceived that this was a time that had to be endured. Even if continuously failing to get a job felt like being in a roller coaster, the only way forward was to look positively at the future and try to identify new means of finding a job.
” I think the first year is really important… it’s just something you have to go through, and I think that’s when you realize… it’s like a roller coaster you’re on. I would probably say that the first year and half were not so positive… but you have to realize that yourself… I am much more positive now towards everything and try not to take things too seriously. Yes, you can get through it, but you just have to do things differently sometimes.” (Interview 11, woman)
In the interviews, we also observed that some informants attempted to distance themselves from the negative thoughts and feelings connected to being in a precarious employment situation in a manner that could be labelled as forming an instrumental view of life. Talking about the precarious employment situation was conducted with a mental distance that became a safety net for not becoming desperate but still longing and dreaming about something more meaningful.
”Work for me at the moment just means that I can pay my rent and buy food. But I wish it maybe meant something else, that it was something that felt meaningful. But that’s not how it is today… I will try and do something about that sometime…“ (Interview 1, man)