Street patterns developed in urban areas globally reflect the result of the interaction of various geographic, socioeconomic, and historical factors, such as the access and distribution efficiency, population size, and traffic volume of the target city [1–5]. The construction of a hierarchical road network form under such multiple constraints is similar to the formation of structures by self-organization [6–10]. Among other influential factors, land use [11, 12] in each region might be the main factor in determining urban morphology, especially the size of blocks — defined as cells formed by streets [13–15]. Here, the term “land use” refers to the purpose for which land is used most frequently. Ideally, when new facilities are planned, they should be determined by the needs of the people who will use the land [16]. Observing the street patterns on a map, it was expected that a certain block size would be needed for constructing parks, large buildings, and universities. On the other hand, old residential and shopping regions may require smaller block areas than these areas do. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume a significant correlation between land use and block size. Several similar studies have reported on the interpretation of block areas, such as the difference between urban and rural regions [17] and that between the building lots and natural regions in cities [14]. However, none of these studies has examined the relationship between land use and the area of urban blocks. Therefore, we conducted a correlation analysis to clarify this relationship.
The term “land use” refers to an abstract concept and trying to concretize it using quantitative indicators raises several problems. When quantifying land use, it is necessary to define categories according to the different purposes of land use. This categorization is difficult because actual land use is extremely variable. If the number of groups in a land-use category is too small, the evaluation of land use will be inaccurate. Conversely, if the number of groups is too large, it becomes difficult to detect the regional features of land use. In addition, it is not possible to define a single all-encompassing purpose for land use when several complex buildings with different functions, such as offices, stores, entertainment facilities, housing complexes, and medical care units, are built. Such problems make it unrealistic to define land use in a clear way as is and express it using quantitative indicators.
Under these circumstances, in this study, we introduced an indicator that could indirectly quantify land use i.e., the ratio of daytime to nighttime population (RDN). The RDN is an excellent and powerful indicator for indirectly evaluating land use in a target region. It can determine whether a region has had an influx of people from other regions during the day. Thus, a higher RDN indicates a business or downtown region, whereas a lower one indicates a residential region. The RDN works on the concept of “population per hour,” but what it actually represents is “land use.” By using the RDN, it is easy to evaluate land use simply by examining the amount of population movement, avoiding the multiple issues that usually arise in land use evaluation. A schematic diagram showing the relationship between the RDN and land use assumed in this study is shown in Fig. 1.
In this study, we examined the areas of urban blocks to determine their correlation with land use. Recent empirical studies have shown that there are similarities in block size despite the fact that the mechanisms of street pattern formation differ from city to city. For example, the distribution of urban blocks has been studied in urban areas in North America, South America, and Europe, and it has been reported to follow the power law \(P\left(A\right)\propto {A}^{-\alpha }\)[14, 18−21], where \(\alpha\) is in the interval \(1\le \alpha \le 3\); this power law holds for a block area, regardless of the differences between cities. Similar results have been reported for desertified patch area, glass rods/plates, fragmented food [22−25], and even the Zip law [26]. Some studies have estimated the value of \(\alpha\) theoretically by applying the local optimization principle [27] or percolation theory [28], revealing that the main factors in the system that drive the formation of street patterns can be inferred by examining the exponent of the block area distribution. Our study focuses on land use as the main factor in influencing street pattern systems.
We examined the correlation between land use and the area of urban blocks in Tokyo, the capital of Japan. Tokyo has been undergoing active development for approximately 400 years from the 1600s to the present, and it is one of the most densely populated cities in the world that has a well-developed street pattern. In developing cities, the street pattern is still in the process of reflecting the influence of various factors [18]; therefore, it is difficult to examine the correlation between these factors and the form of the street pattern. However, a street pattern that is close to the final form of urbanization, such as that of Tokyo, can be treated as one that reflects the influence of all these factors and is suitable for verifying this correlation.
In this study, we focused on Tokyo, one of the world's largest cities, especially on the 23 special wards that were overcrowded and functioned as the economic and cultural centers of the city. Figure 2 shows the general outline and location of these wards. In this study, we adopted RDN \(r\) as a quantitative indicator of land use in each ward (2015 Census Report by the Bureau of General Affairs [29]). In the census, the daytime population was calculated by counting the places where people commuted to work or school and the people who worked or went to school at night. The nighttime population refers to the population living in the ward, which is also known as the de jure population. The color of each ward in Fig. 2 indicates the difference in the RDN, which is higher in the central region and lower in the outer edges. The central region was considered as an economic and industrial center, whereas the outer edges were considered as residential regions. As land use was clearly different between the center and outer edges, we expected that there may have been differences in the distribution of the area of the urban blocks.