Bradshaw (2001) | Men and women worked together to evacuate people but, women’s actions were not made visible or were not valued as they are related to care and securing basic needs. When women undertake masculinised work, their labours acquire value and visibility, although they are usually considered to consist in ‘helping’ men in their activities. | The majority of men recognised women’s work during the emergency, although principally when this work was outside traditional women activities performed by women. | No information provided about sample size, or the methodology employed. |
Bateman and Edwards (2002) | Females were more likely than males to evacuate from their homes because of Hurricane Bonnie. Bivariate and multivariate results support the argument that sex differences in evacuation were not caused by inherent or ‘natural’ differences between the sexes. Rather, women are more likely to evacuate than men because of socially constructed gender differences with respect to other factors that influence the intention and capacity to evacuate. | Women are more likely to evacuate because of hurricanes due to underlying gender differences in caregiving roles, evacuation preparation, their greater exposure to certain objective risks, and their more acute perception of subjective risk. | There is not a clear differentiation between the decision to evacuate and the structural restrictions that limit a person’s capacity to do so. |
Cupples (2007) | It is not possible to say that women will behave or respond to a disaster in a particular way. Even women with similar background characteristics will not react to the same event in the same manner. | Disasters provide a favourable context for the renegotiation of gender roles and produce personal and social transformations. | The qualitative results are not generalisable. |
Hamilton and Halvorson (2007) | Women played a critical role in spontaneous and organised relief efforts, digging out survivors, feeding those in need and building and maintaining temporary shelters. | Women became a fundamental force in the struggle for survival, and as first responders caring for the injured and the dying. The highly patriarchal social structure and purdah made it extremely difficult for women to evacuate mountain villages and to access aid materials, healthcare and compensation for their losses. | The qualitative results are not generalisable. |
Alam and Collins (2010) | Most affected households only left their homes when they saw water coming close. The decision to save belongings and to leave home in most cases rested with the male head of the household. Due to conservative religious beliefs, many of the male heads of households preferred not to move to cyclone shelters, thinking that the female members of the household might break their purdah. | The findings highlight three underlying vulnerabilities to cyclone disasters: hazard risk perceptions; pre-cyclone decisions whether to go to cyclone shelters; and inadequate land management policies in the coastal areas of the country. | The qualitative results are not generalisable. |
Dhungel and Ojha (2012) | Women in the communities where WEC (Women Empowerment Centres) are active perform multiple roles for disaster risk management at the household and the community level. | WEC are effective in building resilient communities as they ensure better disaster preparedness at the household and the community level. This type of Project facilitates the empowerment of the most vulnerable groups, particularly, women. | The qualitative results are not generalisable. |
Silver and Andrey (2014) | In most cases protective action is not statistically associated with individual sociodemographic variables. Although, females are more likely than males to take protective actions. | Previous recent experience of a disaster influences the protective actions taken by the population. Gender itself is a factor that affects the decision making involved in carrying out these protective actions. | The sample is not disaggregated by sex, and as such it is not possible to know to what extent the results are representative. |
Whittaker et al. (2016) | Differences in women’s and men’s perceptions of risk were identified and affected their responses when a disaster occurred. Women more often wanted to leave their homes than men. | Bushfires are gendered experiences in that they are influenced by the roles played by men and women in society. Knowledge of how men and women behave in bushfire scenarios allows community safety initiatives to be designed that are tailored to the particular needs of women and men. | The sample is not disaggregated by sex, and as such it is not possible to know to what extent the results are representative. |
Reyes and Lu (2017) | More than two-thirds of the population consider the assistance of the government to be necessary during disasters, and they also perceive that the government is readily accessible. In terms of disaster preparation, more than nine out of ten respondents expressed familiarity with national policies concerning disasters and they also understand that the local government is prepared for such situations. | The study underscored the importance of gender mainstreaming in disaster management due to the increased vulnerability of women in such contexts, as well as the fact that it is women who take on the brunt of caring for the household during and after disasters. The study also showed the short-term responses of institutions to disasters, particularly local government, in terms of the provision of trainings for emergency responses and aids. | The confidence level of the survey is low (90% for the sample selected). |
Soetanto et al. (2017) | The model used to measure social responsibility (SR) indicates that experience of flooding is the most important variable, behind age of respondent and ethnicity, on the perception of social responsibility when a disaster occurs. Gender does not seem to be a significant variable and does not increase the explanatory power of the model proposed in the study. | Experience, age and ethnicity should be taken into account when attempting to understand motivating factors for engagement with policies and agendas. | The finding of this research is limited by its non-probabilistic sampling of the respondents and unequal sample representation, especially in terms of ethnic groups and age. In addition, responses from flooded communities may not necessarily be from individuals whose homes or businesses were flooded. |
Cvetković et al. (2018) | The most important predictor of individual preparedness is gender. Men reported providing more assistance to catastrophe victims, as well as economic support for their families. Women have more proactive attitudes about effective assistance at reception centres compared to men. | Although there were some variables that indicated no significant, or only slight, differences between men and women, larger magnitude and significant differences appeared to revolve around men’s perceptions of being more prepared and being more active or willing to be involved in or led by community-level activities. Women generally reported being less confident and also more concerned on household and family-level cares. | No limitations are indicated. |
Rohli et al. (2018) | A direct relationship was found between hurricane knowledge and preparedness, and preparation anxiety was significantly and inversely related to preparedness. | The positive association between hurricane knowledge and experience shows that experience is the most important variable when a disaster has to be confronted. Knowledge and experience are negatively correlated with preparation anxiety. | The results of this study are limited to one single university. |
Tyler and Fairbrother (2018) | Gendered expectations, particularly regarding dominant constructions of masculinity, could inhibit open discussion and negotiation between members of a heterosexual couple about the best course of action to take during a bushfire. There are competing expectations for men and women (the latter being more likely to feel comfortable about leaving earlier, or feel responsible for the evacuation of others, especially children), which could make reaching agreement difficult. | The social construction of gender needs to be better understood as a factor influencing what course of action may appeal to residents and how they determine, or attempt to determine, an agreed course of action within a household. | The qualitative results are not generalisable. |
Augustine et al. (2019) | Female heads of households, engaged in agriculture or related employment, with low monthly income, with low disaster-preparedness knowledge, and with prior disaster experience were more likely to take low preparedness measures when a disaster strikes. | The findings reveal that less economic security, lower knowledge of emergencies and emergency plans, being a female head of household, and having prior disaster experience tended to predict lower levels of preparedness among individuals. Disaster-preparedness interventions targeted at improving the knowledge of hazards and hazard plans, as well as enhancing the livelihood and income security of affected households, could minimise the negative impact of disasters. | The study does not clearly show how the main sociodemographic variables studied affect the way in which people deal with the emergency situation that they face. |
Hou and Wu (2020) | Women’s local leadership capacity had grown beyond the traditional care-giving role and more importantly, extended to the decision-making process, contributing to the advancement of resiliency at the individual, family, and community levels. | Women’s capacity for managing and negotiating, shown in their leadership after the catastrophe, directly advances resilience at the individual, family, and community level. Their leadership capacity also demonstrates the powerful contributions towards disaster risk reduction that women can make in the post-disaster period. | The qualitative results are not generalisable. |
Oliveira et al. (2020) | Depending on their age, gender, educational level and professional activity, people had different perceptions and made different choices. This should be further investigated, and the findings integrated in communication and training actions so as to increase their efficiency. | Although sociodemographic characteristics influence a population’s knowledge of fire risk, a general problem is identified in all social strata: the disconnection between policies and citizens’ needs. To overcome this, it is recommended that decision makers should design efficient measures adjusted to the needs of each specific group in the population. | Taking into account that the sample analysed is not representative of the whole of the country, the questionnaire should be extended to other areas and the results being compared. |
Walker et al. (2020) | Gendered norms influence residents’ responses to fire. Elders, pregnant women and those with existing health concerns were among the first to leave their homes, following the voluntary evacuation announcements. | Location, race, ethnicity, gender and age intersected in complex ways, resulting in diverse experiences of impacts and losses, such as physical health and safety, mental and emotional well-being, sense of place, and self-determination and influence. | The qualitative results are not generalisable. |
Wei et al. (2020) | Significant differences in earthquake disaster knowledge and response capability among different sociodemographic groups was found. Differences in earthquake knowledge and emotion regulation are statistically significant between male and female students. Differences in prevention skills between male and female students are not significant. | Even having the same educational background, female students might be more vulnerable to disasters and their impacts than male students. More attention should be paid to female students in terms of training, information and access to information in schools. | Does not clearly show the ways in which the catastrophe preparedness of the population is put into practice at the point when a catastrophe actually occurs. |
De Silva (2021) | TEW (tsunami early warning) practises and strategies are affected by women's and men’s socially assigned roles and responsibilities. | The study indicates the need to develop strategies and practices that are gender sensitive and allow women to participate in TEW system. | The qualitative results are not generalisable. |
Jayasekara et al. (2021) | The low use of social media for communicating disaster-related information depends mainly on people’s age. Gender does not appear to be a significant factor. | Numerous communication problems in catastrophe situations are identified which affect both the community itself and its relations with the authorities. On the basis of these ‘gaps’, more than 40 recommendations are made and the need to create an easily accessible online platform in order to improve communication during a disaster. | The data is not disaggregated by sex. |
Kang et al. (2021) | Mothers faced a series of transformation processes in post-disaster, from fear and helplessness to a sense of duty to protect their children. They also deploy active collective responses. | The active role of women in disaster situations is comprehensive, and their notion of responsibility makes them stronger. Digital activities and communication facilitate their collective action and the protection of their families from the emergency and from future risks. All of this increases women’s capacity to influence community politics. | This study focuses on the active role of mothers and cannot be extrapolated to other women. Due to its qualitative nature, its results are not generalisable. |
Khan et al. (2021) | The analysis revealed a clear difference in emergency preparedness and its components in that the boy students seemed relatively better prepared for emergencies than the girl students. | Emergency preparedness is needed in schools to protect the lives of students. This will not only save lives but will also empower the overall ability of communities to deal with the natural hazards. The gender differences were particularly significant in terms of crisis communication, and the support and assistance component of emergency preparedness. The study indicates that information campaigns should be run in schools to improve emergency preparedness. | The robustness indicators and index need to be tested in other schools for validation purposes. In addition, more research is needed to observe gender differences in the contexts of urban and rural schools; public and private schools; and also consider gender differences between teachers, students, and principals. |
Lachlan et al. (2021) | Differences between men and women were detected in information seeking and rumination tendency. At low levels of need for cognition and high levels of rumination, men and women were almost identical in level of information seeking. Information seeking did not differ significantly across those who had or had not physically lost their home. | Women reported higher levels of information seeking, consistent with recent research in crisis and risk communication. Women, regardless of level of rumination tendencies, appear to exhibit high levels of information seeking behaviour. Men with high levels of rumination tendencies are much more similar to women at all levels of rumination in comparison to men with low or middle levels of rumination. | The sample is not disaggregated by sex, and as such it is not possible to know to what extent the results are representative. |
Oktari et al. (2021) | Only a small number of women have planned, for themselves and for their family, some form of earthquake and tsunami preparedness. Most of the female respondents are still in the low and medium levels of preparedness. More than 80% of women preferred to be saved by their relatives. | The analysis carried out confirms the importance of integrating gender as a cross-disciplinary element in village disaster resilience programmes. The study also suggests taking affirmative actions in order to create a better sense of equality that would boost women’s negotiating power and enable their voices to be heard. | The results refer to a specific programme. |
Dema Moreno et al. (2022) | At the time of a catastrophe, men and women undertake a series of immediate actions that are in line with traditional gender roles. | Women’s rescue actions are not as visible as men’s, which act as the hegemonic model. Women’s interventions are not limited to physical rescue but also include verbal suggestions and recommendations linked to their traditional caring roles. | The qualitative results are not generalisable. |