2.1. Theory of Social Learning
Social learning theory is concerned with learning that occurs in a social setting. Albert Bandura is the most well-known proponent of this hypothesis. According to Kearsley (1994), Bandura's social learning theory "emphasizes the importance of seeing and modelling the behaviours, attitudes, and emotional reactions of others." Kearsley goes on to say that moral judgments about right and wrong can be developed in part through modelling. According to Bandura's (1977) theory, learning would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, if people had to rely entirely on the consequences of their own actions to instruct them what to do. Fortunately, the majority of human behaviour is learned by observation and modelling: by observing others, one can learn how new behaviours are performed, and this coded information can then be used as a guide for action.
According to the social learning hypothesis, behavioural processes are directly learnt through the constantly dynamic interplay between the individual and their social environment (Mc Connell, 2008). By studying a role model, a person can learn new reactions, how to carry out or avoid previously taught responses and how to learn a general rule that can be applied to a number of scenarios (Rosenthals & Zimmerman, 2009). Modelling can be used to learn a variety of actions, at least in part. Children, for example, learn what to do at home by witnessing their siblings fight with their parents or throw rubbish around the house.
Reinforcement and punishment are used to aid in the learning process. Any occurrence that improves the likelihood of a reaction occurring again is referred to as reinforcement (Coon, 2011). When a child is rewarded with a sweet for doing something positive, such as appropriately utilizing the toilet seat, the child is more likely to repeat the behaviour. The candy serves as a form of reinforcement. The observer is also automatically reinforced by the candy. For example, in order to be accepted by a group of colleagues, a youngster can modify his or her way of dressing or begin to exercise simple personal cleanliness such as cutting finger nails and brushing teeth without any external reinforcement. Intrinsic reinforcement, as defined by Bandura (1977), is a type of internal reward that includes feelings of pride, contentment, and accomplishment. Punishment is any occurrence that occurs as a result of a reaction and reduces the likelihood of it happening again (Bandura et al, 1980). If a child gets caned for not washing his hands before eating, he is less likely to repeat the behaviour, and caning becomes a penalty. Health habits are picked up in one's most influential learning environment, the home, and from one's most powerful role models, the parents. As a result, the manner in which the parents behave in the home has a substantial impact on the sanitation conditions that prevail. For the household to acquire the skills essential to maintain health-promoting behaviour, social learning is required. The majority of our daily activities are picked up in the home. Individuals develop behaviour patterns as early as childhood by studying their parents and then their siblings. Therefore, based on this theory, individuals learn new attitudes and behaviour towards sanitation from other individuals within the society or outside the society (Agbola, 2012), thereby helping to reduce sanitation problem
2.1.1 Conceptual Framework
The researchers developed a conceptual framework to guide the study. The conceptual framework was developed from the Theory of Social Learning.
From the Theory of Social Learning, individuals learn from each other in other to change their lives for a better. Community Led Total Sanitation is meant to change the negative behaviour of individuals toward sanitation. However, the effectiveness of community led total sanitation in a community such as Tamale Metropolis is influenced by many factors policy environment, implementation quality, administrative context, community environment, community capacity, community participation and community behaviour. Effective implementation of community led total sanitation programme would be able to inculcate into individuals’ positive attitudes towards sanitation, thereby eliminating the occurrence of open defecation and indiscriminate disposal of refuse.
2.2 Literature Review
2.2.1 The Problem of Open Defecation
Open defecation can be explained as the practice of defecating in the open spaces, waterways without any proper disposal of human excreta (Boschi-Pinto et al., 2009; Jones et al., 2012). Open defecation can also be seen as human practice of defecating in the open rather than into the toilet. This is where human faeces are disposed off in the fields, forests, bushes, and open bodies of water, beaches, and other open spaces (WHO/UNICEF, 2013). Defecating in the open is an old practice. In ancient times, there were availability of spaces and limited population pressure on the use of land. It was perceived that defecating in the open spaces causes little harm on people. But, with development and urbanization, open defecating started becoming an issue of public health and human dignity (Reilly and Kathleen, 2016).
Many Ghanaian communities lack access to appropriate sanitation. According to a 2005 report by the Ghana Water Sector Restructuring Secretariat (WSRS), around 40% of the population in urban areas and 35% in rural areas have access to improved toilet facilities. The country has also been performing poorly, with only 15% of the population having access to sanitation, making open defecation a major sanitation issue because people lack access to basic facilities (Coffey and Spears, 2014). Ghana's open defecation problem is worrying, and the country was ranked second in Africa for open defecation behind Sudan, with five million Ghanaians lacking access to a toilet facility. Compound houses, rather than self-contained residences, are preferred by 60.6 percent of Ghanaians.
Open defecation creates many problems such as diarrhoea which is the third most common disease in the communities due to the continuous practice of open defecation; Cholera, diarrhoea, typhoid, and dysentery are among the diseases troubling people in the communities which affect the health and wellbeing of the people (Ghana Statistical Service, 2013). WHO reports that 1.8 million people in low and middle-income countries suffer from severe trachoma (WHO/UNICEF, 2017); a root cause of visual impairment which is transmitted via flies that breed on human excreta with a tendency to spread through eye discharge of infected persons. Likewise, more than 200 million people are infected with schistosomiasis (snail fever) worldwide (WHO/UNICEF, 2017); a chronic parasitic disease transmitted through human faeces to freshwater snails and the infection spread in humans when the skin comes in contact with infection carrying snails or consumption of contaminated water and modulate their immune systems (Colley et al., 2014). Improved sanitation interventions can play a constructive role in disease prevention, including diarrhea and soil-transmitted infections (Ziegelbauer et al., 2012).
2.2.2 Empirical Review
2.2.2.1 Community-Led Total Sanitation and Open Defecation
Venkataramanan et al. (2018) in their study “Community-Led Total Sanitation: A Mixed-Methods Systematic Review of Evidence and Its Quality” sought to summarise CLTS impacts and also identify factors affecting implementation and effectiveness. The study found that Fourteen quantitative evaluations reported decreases in open defecation, but did not corroborate the widespread claims of open defecation–free (ODF) villages found in case studies. Over one-fourth of the literature overstated conclusions, attributing outcomes and impacts to interventions without an appropriate study design. Adaptability, planned post-triggering activities, proper community selection, and more research on combining and sequencing CLTS with other interventions were all found to be important in the study.
Crocker and Bartram (2017) conducted a study in Ethiopia and Ghana to assess the long-term viability of community-led total sanitation (CLTS) outcomes. The study surveyed 3831 homes one year after the implementation ended and examined latrine use and quality to measure post-intervention changes in sanitation outcomes. One of the four interventions assessed (health extension worker-facilitated CLTS in Ethiopia) resulted in an 8 percentage point rise in open defecation a year after implementation ceased, casting doubt on our previous conclusions. The early reductions in open defecation of 8–24 percentage points were sustained in the other three interventions, with no significant changes happening a year following introduction. Ethiopian latrines were, on average, of lesser quality than those in Ghana.
Lawrence et al. (2016) adopted a qualitative study explored community members' and stakeholders' sanitation, knowledge, perceptions, and behaviours during early CLTS implementation in Zambia. The study conducted 67 in-depth interviews and 24 focus group discussions in six districts in Zambia 12–18 months after CLTS implementation. Triggering activities elicited strong emotions, including shame, disgust, and peer pressure, which persuaded individuals and families to build and use latrines and handwashing stations. New sanitation behaviours were also encouraged by the hierarchical influences of traditional leaders and sanitation action groups and by children's opinions. Poor soil conditions were identified as barriers to latrine construction. Taboos, including prohibition of different generations of family members, in-laws, and opposite genders from using the same toilet, were barriers for using sanitation facilities. CLTS, through community empowerment and ownership, produced powerful responses that encouraged construction and use of latrines and hand washing practices
In "Teachers and Sanitation Promotion: An Assessment of Community-Led Total Sanitation in Ethiopia," Crocker et al. (2016) used a quasi-experimental study design to compare two interventions in Ethiopia: traditional CLTS in which health workers and local leaders provided facilitation and an alternative approach in which teachers provided facilitation. Surveys and interviews were used to look at the differences between the interventions. The reduction in open defecation associated with teacher-facilitated CLTS was 8.2 percentage points lower (p = 0.048) than that associated with traditional CLTS. Teachers had multiple responsibilities and lacked assistance from local officials at first, which may have hampered their success. Teachers may be better suited to a supporting rather than a leading position in sanitation promotion because they have demonstrated their ability and commitment.
Brian et al (2018) conducted a study titled “A Cluster-Randomized Trial to Evaluate the Impact of an Inclusive, Community-Led Total Sanitation Intervention on Sanitation Access for People with Disabilities in Malawi”. The study evaluated an intervention to improve inclusion of people with disability in CLTS through training facilitators. The trial included 171 people with disabilities (78 control and 93 intervention) living in 15 intervention and 15 control communities. The study found that Inclusive CLTS could improve sanitation access for people with disability but requires support to households beyond that provided in this trial.
A study by Radin et al (2020) titled “Benefit–Cost Analysis of Community-Led Total Sanitation: Incorporating Results from Recent Evaluations” found that CLTS interventions would pass a benefit–cost test in many situations, but that outcomes are not as favourable as some previous studies suggest. The model results are sensitive to baseline conditions, including the value of time, income level used to calculate the value of a statistical life, discount rate, case fatality rate, diarrhoea incidence, and time spent traveling to defecation sites. We conclude that many communities likely have economic investment opportunities that are more attractive than CLTS.
Crocker et al (2016) also in “Building capacity for water, sanitation, and hygiene programming: Training evaluation theory applied to CLTS management training in Kenya” developed a conceptual framework for evaluating training in WaSH by reviewing and adapting concepts from literature. The study found that the training program resulted in trainees learning the CLTS process and new skills, and improving their individual performance through application of advocacy, partnership, and supervision soft skills. The link from trainees' performance to improved programming was constrained by resource limitations and pre-existing rigidity of trainees’ organizations. Training-over-time enhanced outcomes and enabled trainees to overcome constraints in their work. Training in soft skills is relevant to managing public health programs beyond WaSH.
Another study by Basiru et al (2018) titled “Barriers to Accessing Sanitation Facilities in Aboabo, Ghana” sought to identify and discuss the specific factors that impede access to sanitation facilities in Aboabo urban slum in the Asokore-Mampong Municipal Area of Ghana. A qualitative approach was employed for the study. Findings from the study suggested that, inadequate income to acquire private household toilet facilities, inadequate space in the homes for toilets, high user fees to use public toilets, low level of education and unhygienic toilet facilities were identified as obstacles preventing access to sanitation facilities in the urban slum.