Leverage points refer to the places in complex systems where a small change in one element can lead to a big change in the whole system. Leverage points for the existing situation of urban water supply under formal-informal dynamics can be identified following guidelines defined by Meadows (1997). Management of ‘fixes that fail’ and ‘growth and underinvestment’ archetypes lies in improving the existing condition of formal systems, emphasizing its financial sustainability. Contrastingly, the archetypes of ‘shifting the burden’ and ‘limits to growth’ can be managed by improving informal services through service regulation.
Management of ‘fixes that fail’ involves understanding short and long term impacts of interventions. This further requires understanding of root causes and, how they are different from symptoms. Instead of focusing only on building new infrastructure every time, i.e. water treatment plants, authorities need to focus on building the financial capacities of existing formal supply systems, i.e. water utilities. Efforts are needed to: generate enough revenue through appropriate pricing mechanisms, prompt improvement in recovery rates, allocate sufficient development funds, and introduce other interventions necessary to ensure the financial sustainability of the formal system (Kalhoro 2017; World Bank 2014).
Moreover, management of the ‘Growth and underinvestment archetype’ requires further understanding of capacity needs with growth and avoiding perception and capacity acquisition delays that can backlog system performance (Kim et al. 1998). The ability of planners and decision makers: to estimate future development needs; of being well informed, trained and equipped; and of being able to apply decision support tools, can help in reducing perception delays. This may appear as contradictory to the management of ‘fixes that fail’ archetype mentioned above however, management of ‘growth and underinvestment’ refers to rehabilitation of existing infrastructure instead of introducing new infrastructure.
In general, a water utility’s financial capacity defines its service quality. In this regard, the lack of enough funds for maintenance expenditure has been observed to be associated with an increased number of dysfunctional treatments plants (Tahir et al. 2010). A lack of rehabilitation or maintenance services due to lack of enough funds also leads to infrastructure degradation. According to (Water Sector Task Force (WSTF) 2012), more than 35% of water supply is wasted in leakages in developing countries. Urban water utilities in Pakistan rely on a combination of development funds from the federal government, external funds from international organizations and revenue generated by water tariff collection.
On the one hand, Pakistan’s water tariff has been too low, where its combination with low recovery rates has led to not enough revenue and financial deficit. On the other hand, the government’s expenditure on water and sanitation has been very low, estimated to be 0.2% of GDP (World Health Organization (WHO) 2015). Strong et al. (2020) have estimated a value of 4% of country’s GDP to be able to achieve with the SDG 6 target for water and sanitation. The National Water Policy of 2018 has also proposed increase in public sector investment by the federal government from 3.7% in 2017-18 to 20% by 2030. Whilst this increased allocation is admirable, it may be hard to achieve.
Past policy level efforts, including Pakistan’s water sector strategy of 2002, have recognized the importance of financial sustainability of water sector infrastructure and services, emphasizing improving public sector cost recovery to support O&M, improvement, modernization and extension of services. However, it has also become accepted that full financial self-sufficiency is unlikely to be achieved in Pakistan as a result of the country’s high rates of poverty. Thus, these efforts would require government support in the form of regular development of funds. Moreover, a financial sustainability assessment has been made a compulsory component for the approval of water infrastructure projects within the country (Government of Pakistan 2002).
Whilst Pakistan’s National Water Policy (NWP) 2018 outlines revised water pricing as a means of enhance water use efficiency (Government of Pakistan 2018), according to Arfan et al. (2020), this policy lacks a clear direction regarding valuation methods for different uses. For example, agriculture as the largest user (making 90% of total consumption) still lacks pricing reform that discourages wastage and overuse. However, the Sindh government has recently announced to price industrial water as it is supplied in bulk (Tunio 2020). This could be helpful in maintaining control over increasing competing urban water users consuming a major share of the water available.
While Shin et al. (2021) have suggested that water prices should be based on volume to be able to account for water losses related to water production and delivery, Shah (2007) notes it is challenging to bring demand-management reforms including pricing, laws and rights in informal water economies, as this does not work due to high transaction costs and corruption at root levels. Water pricing for domestic users in Hyderabad is based on housing area. Although this appears to be an appropriate technique, according to Shah (2007), to avoid transaction costs, there are examples of volumetric pricing in other cities in the country, such as block tariff rates in Islamabad, that have been effective in managing water allocations (S. Khan et al. 2020). However challenges associated with wrong meter reading and corruption, in addition to incorrect record keeping, are unavoidable (Shah 2007).
Public Private Partnership (PPP) has been gaining interest amongst water managers as one potential way to improve tariff recovery rates and; thus, improve the financial sustainability of the urban water utilities (Government of Pakistan 2002). Hyderabad - WASA’s tariff recovery rates have been reported to have increased from 50–70% in 2019 through public private partnership (Ahmad et al. 2019). However, Shah (2007) has argued that high shares of total revenue from private sectors may still conflict with the objective of financial sustainability, with wide gaps currently between expenditure and revenue. However, opportunities still exist with regard to PPP, in terms of furthering experience and knowledge in managing formal system/utilities through management contracts (Ahmad et al. 2019; World Bank 2014).
Bano et al. (2020) have observed that a monthly tariff of USD $12 (an amount that city residents have shown a willingness to pay) with recovery rates of 50% and 80% can generate enough revenue to cover the operational and maintenance expenditure of Hyderabad’s WASA. Currently, due to poor service quality and resulting reliance on informal service, consumers have been paying more than this amount, where this change would require consumer satisfaction with the new system. According to Imad (2017), 60% of the residents have not been satisfied with the quality and service of the formal system.
A good combination of demand management approaches would be needed, including smart meters, to prevent corruption and incorrect record of consumption and prices. Further, new approaches would need to gauge the amount consumers would be willing to pay, conditioned to improvements in water supply within the formal system. Technological interventions via renewables including solar and wind energy, which might reduce formal system expenditure on energy, might also be effective for a city like Hyderabad, with greater potential for both these sources. Further to this, careful analysis of the feasibility of technological solutions would be needed, as past interventions like Reverse Osmosis plants in Tharparkar, Sindh have not been sustainable, given the lack of financial and human resources to maintain this expensive technology (Ebrahim 2015).
In dealing with ‘Shifting the burden’, the financial sustainability of formal water systems may still be the priority of local authorities as a fundamental solution to existing water supply situations. Accordingly, it is necessary to consider how the coexistence of formal and informal systems would likely affect the reliability of water supply.
Currently, it would be impossible to reverse the increasing reliance on informal supply, as it is considered to be the safest and most reliable source, especially for domestic use (Walter et al. 2017). Thus, it is necessary to consider means of keeping the informal system sustainable in meeting both the short and medium-term needs. Given the increasing issues associated with the reliability of informal systems, efforts are also needed to regulate the system. In Pakistan, PCRWR has been assigned responsibility for monitoring the quality of informal supply, i.e. bottled water, where it publishes quarterly water quality reports for each district (Pakistan Council of Research in Water Resources (PCRWR) 2020).
While long-term efforts are needed to improve the formal system overall, the informal system also needs to be regulated in order to ensure quality of service. Given the increasing number of people and companies entering the water supply business as a source of earning, it is pertinent that the local authorities take necessary steps to keep informal suppliers informed. Thus, guidelines on installation, operation and maintenance of the informal systems can be made available for the suppliers by the authorities along with monitoring mechanisms to ensure their effective implementation.
Management of ‘Limits to growth/success archetype’ requires researchers to ponder the factors that may limit the growth of the informal system as a reliable source in terms of access and quality of service. Lack of infrastructural and financial resources may be leading factors limiting the growth of the informal system. Moreover, the National Water Policy 2018 clearly has not recognized the role of informal systems in meeting daily water demand. It is thus important to realize barriers that can lead to the incapacity of both formal and informal supply systems to meet increasing water demand. Although the Sindh Drinking Water Policy 2017 suggests promotion of informal water supply through private provision, PPP, NGOs and community organization, a policy framework has yet to be released (Government of Sindh 2017).
Whilst water quality monitoring by PCRWR serves the purpose of providing a ‘check and balance’ on the service quality of the informal system, there are opportunities to improve the service further. PCRWR is responsible for monitoring the water quality of the informal drinking water supply; however, no known efforts have been made to monitor tanker water supply. Higher consumer surplus in the case of informal supply (as evident from data in Table 2) reflects financial burden on middle and lower-income groups. Pakistan has declared access to safe drinking water as a basic human right. Filter plants have been installed throughout the country, including RO plants in Sindh where ground water is highly saline; however, the majority of these are non-functional due to a lack of financial sustainability (Tahir et al. 2010).
Table 3
Summary of system archetypes and leverage points for Hyderabad city
System Archetype | Figure | Structural Hypothesis | Leverage Points |
Fixes that fail/backfire | 2a, b | Expansion of formal supply system i.e. addition of new water supply infrastructure reduce the water shortages in the short run. However, water shortage conditions keep recurring as the fund deficits increase over time. | Addition of new infrastructure will not suffice until formal system’s financial sustainability is not ensured through restructuring existing water tariffs and increasing the development fund allocations by the government. |
Shifting the burden | 3a, b | Promoting the informal supply system gives a false impression of reduction in water demand to formal authorities. This further discourages the interventions needed to improve the formal system. | While regularization mechanism exists for bottled water, tanker suppliers are also needed to be monitored. Local authorities need to keep informal suppliers informed providing guidelines on installation, operation and maintenance of the infrastructure. |
Limits to growth/success | 4a, b | Increase in informal demand will lead to growth in informal suppliers however limited financial and infrastructure resources will constrain them to upscale resulting in low quality supply by the informal suppliers to meet the increasing demand. | National Water Policy (2018) needs to recognize the role of informal suppliers, devising a policy framework to promote informal suppliers for the short and medium term needs. |
Growth and underinvestment | 5a, b | Ageing formal infrastructure requires regular maintenance and rehabilitation to keep the supply system functioning. Underinvestment in maintenance/ rehabilitation against the increasing water demand leads to infrastructure dysfunctionality. | Policy efforts are needed to improve the tariff structure and recovery rates so that enough revenue could be generated locally to cover the operation and maintenance cost. |