“The springs are untouchable”: amid community management and government neglect, the last springs in peri-urban areas of Mexico City

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-1673718/v1

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Research Article

“The springs are untouchable”: amid community management and government neglect, the last springs in peri-urban areas of Mexico City

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-1673718/v1

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In Latin America, conservation is a subject that cannot be understood outside of the social processes that determine the different conceptions, uses and customs related to nature and water. Mexico is an example of ecosystem diversity, where rural populations see their homes and ecosystems threatened by the uncontrolled advance of the urban sprawl. In addition, the lack of governance in water matters leaves both ecosystems and people in a situation of vulnerability. The aim of this research was to determine the ecological and social indicators of the state of conservation and management of the springs in Mexico City’s Conservation Soils, through: ecological quality, biological diversity and the management of rural-urban communities of water resources. The springs still conserve elements of good ecological quality and unique traits, making these sites hotspots of local diversity. However, ongoing activities endanger its integrity, such as in situ water extraction, the lack of local organization for the management of water resources and the poor presence of government institutions to accompany water management. The establishment of a citizen and government participation system for water management is recommended, considering local economic development, socio-cultural complexity, ecosystem richness and fragility, and the socio-ecological context in which these water distribution mechanisms are established. As well, actions that includes a census of water bodies and the economic activities that depend on them, the ecological evaluation of actively used springs and water distribution agreements at the local level that consider the previous points.

peri-urban springs

water governance

rural water management

socio-ecological vulnerability

In Latin America, the history of conservation is necessarily linked to social history and, in many cases, a fight for territorial rights. In Mexico, the process of conserving natural areas began with the establishment of national parks (non-state), differing from other parts of the world. This idea was based on the establishment of “national pride.” In this sense, conservation areas should be close to cities in order to promote the creation of rural businesses through tourism, under the slogan “living nature museums” (Quezada-Grant 2013). In such a way, Mexico contained the largest number of national parks in the world by 1940 (Velázquez 2013). Conservation areas were established that marginalized peasants and indigenous populations who were inhabitants and owners of the land. Expropriations due to the establishment of national parks gave rise to claims to preserve land rights. Part of these claims were transformed into social demands made during the Mexican Revolution with a language of environmental justice (Quezada-Grant 2013). In the case of Mexico City (CDMX), exponential demographic growth has put a very serious pressure on the relicts of natural areas that supply ecosystem services to the city. To prevent the deterioration of these area, local government created an administrative status called Conservation Soil (CS), which limits human activities around the management of natural resources and economic activities. Currently, the CS is to rural and indigenous communities that own the last natural resources available to the city, including water. Naturally, the water that is consumed in the city comes from springs that flow down the mountain. Along their paths, they are subject to recurrent human uses such as irrigation, fish farming, and the local supply of drinking water.

Springs as ecological and human resources

Springs are runoffs distinguished by a relatively constant contribution of water, scarce variation in chemical composition, constant temperature, and low organic matter concentrations (Hynes 1970). In ecological terms, springs provide habitat for particular biological communities and are therefore considered hotspots of regional diversity, making them great indicators of human disturbance (Reiss and Chifflard 2017). In social terms, springs are an essential source of drinking water in adjacent population centers. For example, it is estimated that approximately 50% of rural communities depend exclusively on groundwater as their main source of water supply (PAHO, 1998). Despite their biological importance and how vulnerable springs are to human interventions, they are rarely protected in legislation (Cantonati et al. 2012). In this context, public policies have been developed in Mexico that are implemented under a vertical vision (top-down), in which the government makes decisions about the management of natural resources with little or no participation from local communities that depend mainly on local natural resources for their livelihoods (Santana-Medina et al. 2013). Such is the case for drinking water, a resource that is increasingly precious due to its scarcity and the evident lack of equitable distribution. The history of spring management in Mexico is not very different from the rest of Latin America, marked by a lack of governance over natural resources, vertical actions in decision-making by governments, and conflicts associated with social ownership of land. In many occasions, these factors define the fate of water bodies: either pollution due to human activities, the depletion of springs due to excessive extraction, or a combination of both.

Finally, this lack of management and action to protect springs shows the disconnect between the ecohydrological aspects of these natural resources and the social traits related to local use and management (Nel et al. 2017). In addition to the above, and independent of the particular agreements on land property rights, the interaction of communities with natural resources is usually framed by actions of individual use, which limit the effect of collective action in favor of group well-being (Muradian and Cárdenas 2015). Therefore, within communities, communication and teamwork are key elements to achieve sustainable resource management, regardless of government intervention, which is complementary and desirable.

Social organization in the Magdalena River Conservation Soil

Management of natural resources based on the collective actions among community members has been cataloged as a vital component to achieve success in ecosystem conservation and consequently social welfare (Muradian and Cárdenas 2015; Auer et al. 2020). These improvements are reflected in the development of social skills such as better organization, building bonds of trust and respect, inclusion and participation of different social actors, and more constructive links with government institutions (Pretty 2003; Muradian and Cárdenas 2015; Auer et al. 2020). The indigenous and agrarian community "La Magdalena Atlitic" has a history that dates back 700 years and has been consolidated through intergenerational inheritance of land property. During this time, the community has faced rapid urban growth causing them to defend their territory and the water (Olmos 2011). This community currently owns the largest extension of land within the Magdalena River sub-basin (approximately 70%). The first record on water management and use dates to the year 1635 and was focused on distribution for the following activities: textile factories, fruit tree crops, farm maintenance, and domestic activities of the local population (Caro-Borrero et al. 2017). From the late 1800s to the mid-1900s, the sub-basin served as the engine of industrial development in terms of hydroelectric power generation and forest management. Canals were built over the river, while dams and four motors were installed to generate electricity (dynamos). This management functioned through water concessions granted by the government and administered by a local water board established in 1944 (Caro-Borrero et al. 2017). With the closure of the factories in the mid-1990s and the growing urbanization of the area, water use went from being industrial to domestic. Starting in 1979, the government began to carry out actions regarding the sanitation of the Magdalena River. Despite this plan, intense flooding occurred the following decade as a result of the large amount of garbage accumulated in the riverbed. In 1997, the river’s ecological status was placed on the political agenda after residents and community members promoted government attention to rescue the river despite skepticism and mistrust in the authorities (Olmos 2011; Caro-Borrero et al. 2021). In 2006, the CDMX Environment Secretariat launched the "Rescue Plan of Magdalena River," which was presented as an executive project by the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM). This document outlined the main drivers of change and possible mitigation and/or restoration measures for the ecosystem. Despite these efforts, the scarcity of drinking water was a key element in the area that compromised different social and economic interests, causing the rescue plan and the establishment water governance to fail (Zamora 2013; Caro-Borrero et al. 2021). Currently, community members distrust the local and federal government as a mediator for the management of natural resources. In addition, different internal interests regarding water use and management have led to a division in agrarian community members, further hindering decision-making regarding community life and the natural resource management (Caro-Borrero et al. 2021).

In the megalopolis of Mexico City, numerous springs and mountain streams run through Conservation Soil before reaching and disappearing into the urban area (Mazari-Hiriart et al. 2014). The region’s high altitude (over 2,400 m asl) and latitude (subtropical) generate temperate conditions that differentiate this geographical area from the rest of the country. The aim of this research was to determine the ecological and social indicators of the state of conservation and management of springs in Mexico City’s Conservation Soils through the characterization of: (i) ecological quality (water physicochemical and hydromorphologic quality), (ii) biological diversity (macroinvertebrates and macroscopic algae), and (iii) the rural-urban community management of water resources.

Study area

The Magdalena River sub-basin is part of the larger Mexico basin and is located between 19°13’-19°18’ LN and 99°14’-99°20’LW (Fig. 1). It forms part of the morphotectonic province of the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt, whose geology is characterized by rocky bodies of andesitic and basaltic lavas that are highly permeable and susceptible to erosion (Ferrusquía-Villafranca 1998). Due to the altitudinal gradient, two climate types are recognized: sub-humid climate in the urban part and up to 3,050 m asl, and semi-clod climate in the highest part between 3,100 and 3,650 m asl (García 1988). Both climates experience abundant rains in from June to October and a dry season from November to May (García 2004). The average annual temperature ranges between 10 and 14°C, with the warmest months being April, May, and June. The predominant vegetation is Pinus hartwegii Lindl forest in the upper section, Abies religiosa (Kunth) Schltdl forest in the middle section, and Quercus spp mixed forest in the lower section (Ávila-Akerberg 2010). In the upper and middle sections of the sub-basin, numerous springs feed into the main channel of the river, causing it to flow perennially. Spring selection for the study was determined by: location within Conservation Soil; the presence of cartographic references within the hydrographic records; and references by Magdalena Atlitic community members regarding well-conserved springs that are reliable for local water consumption.

Physicochemical and hydromorphological quality assessment

Samples were collected from 13 springs distributed throughout Conservation Soils (Fig. 1). We conducted three sampling collections at the same points of each spring/stream in June 2019, September 2019, and January 2020. The following physicochemical parameters were recorded in situ with a Hanna Multiparameter probe 991300 (Dallas USA): water temperature, specific conductivity, and pH. Oxygen saturation (YSI-85 meter, YSI, Ohio, USA) and current velocity (Global Water FP111, Texas, USA) were also recorded. Stream discharge was calculated according to Gore (1996). At each sampling station, 500 ml samples of water were filtered in situ and analyzed in the laboratory according to criteria established in the Mexican official guidelines and international standards (NOM-127-SSA1-1994 in DOF 2003; APHA 2005). Nitrite nitrogen, nitrate nitrogen, ammonium nitrogen, dissolved inorganic nitrogen (DIN), and soluble reactive phosphorus (SRP, in theory mostly in the form of orthophosphate, PO₄-P) were analyzed with a DR 3900 laboratory Spectrophotometer (Hach, Loveland, CO; Hach 2003). Hydromorphological quality (HQ) and anthropogenic activities were evaluated per “Hydrogeomorphological Quality Index for springs (HYQIS) of the Magdalena River Sub-basin” by Temis (2021). This index evaluates three major aspects (with distinct parameters in parenthesis): 1) quality of the riparian habitat or the area surrounding the spring (native vegetation cover, livestock and agricultural development, substrate disturbance, and bank stability); 2) hydrology (alteration of the channel, presence of dams and/or artisanal pipes); and 3) amount of anthropogenic disturbances (direct effluents to the spring from domestic use, urban development, human development, presence of organic/inorganic waste, and presence of protection around the spring). Each parameter is valued at 10 points, for a total maximum possible score of 120 points, which would indicate practically pristine conditions. Scores less than 100 points are indicative of medium or poor ecological quality.

Macroinvertebrate sampling

Specimen collection was carried out following a multihabitat criterion and using a Surber-type D-net 30 cm wide with 250 µm mesh. Sediment was removed by kicking during a five-minutes period, and organisms were moved to a tray for extraction. Organisms were also caught by manual examination and extraction from submerged rock faces, pieces of dead wood, and leaves. For a representative sample, at least 100 individuals were collected from each site and preserved in 70% alcohol. Individuals were separated out under an Olympus SZX7 stereoscopic microscope (Olympus Corporation, Tokyo, Japan) and identified to family level following Bueno-Soria (2010) and Merritt et al. (2008).

Macroscopic algae sampling

We collected all growths of macroscopic algae that were visible with the naked eye to characterize diversity in the springs. Abundance of macroscopic algae (percent coverage) was evaluated with a circular sampling unit of 10 cm radius (area 314 cm²) (Necchi et al. 1995; Bojorge et al. 2010). Algae were identified to genus or species level by referencing relevant taxonomic keys and bibliographic resources (Komárek 2013; Anagnostidis and Komárek 2005; Wher and Sheath 2003). For taxonomic analyses, an Olympus BX51 microscope with an SC35 microphotography system was used.

Management strategies and social diagnosis of the Magdalena Atlitic community

In order to recognize the use, distribution, and management strategies of water from springs, interviews were conducted with community members and key stakeholders such as restaurant and trout farm owners. People with administrative positions in the community were included as part of the local forest and water surveillance commission. Following the snowball method, we later interviewed other relevant people as recommended by interviewees. The initial contact with the community was carried out by presenting the research group to the local authorities and obtaining permission to carry out the study within their territory.

The interviews were guided by the following thematic axes that include both community and governmental water management: 1) time of residence and what the river and springs mean to them; 2) current uses of water bodies, management rules within the community, and existence of organized groups; 3) factors that can affect or benefit the quality and quantity of water; 4) regulation on the use of water bodies by local and federal authorities, and institutional participation; 5) rules for the use, extraction. and distribution of water for different economic activities; 6) perception of government management rules, compliance, and follow-up of the same; 7) government programs or non-governmental institutions that support the conservation of water bodies; and 8) conflicts in the community over the management and distribution of water.

All interviews were recorded with the prior consent of the interviewees and transcribed in Word format. Transcripts were analyzed with the specialized software Atlas.ti version 8.4.4 (Friese 2017). The analysis was carried out through four codes that determined the use and management of water, as well as the local and governmental organization to carry out water uses.

Physicochemical and hydromorphological quality

The thirteen bodies of water studied were small springs or streams (not exceeding one meter wide on average), all located above 2800 m asl within areas of mountain vegetation, shallow depth (on average 8 cm), with only a slow current speed regime, and very low flow values (Fig. 2. and Table 1). A constant surface water flow was apparent during the three sampling collections. In terms of physicochemical parameters, all sites appeared to be similar. Water temperature was warm (11 to 12°C), with minimal mineralization (circumneutral pH; low specific conductivity, 60 to110 µS/cm) and well oxygenated (saturation greater than 90%). We compared nutrient concentrations in the springs with the maximum permissible limits (MPL) established in two official Mexican standards: the standard for the Protection of aquatic life-NOM 001 SEMARNAT 1996 and the standard of water for human use and consumption-NOM 127 SSA1 1994. In general, the concentration of nutrients presented low values, reflecting the suitable use of the springs for human consumption and support of aquatic life in accordance with Mexican standards (NOM 1996, 1997). Soluble reactive phosphorous (SRP) was less than 0.04 mg/L, dissolved DIN was less than 0.02 mg/L, and sulfates were less than 11.5 mg/L. However, some springs were found to be in conditions close to the maximum permissible limits for nitrites (Cieneguillas 1 (CG1) and Ermita San José (MES)), nitrates (Temascalco (TMC) and Cañada de Cuervos (CDC)), and ammonium (Temascalco (TMC) and La Bodega (LBG)).

Hydromorphological qualities of springs ranged from poor (MMB spring, 75 pts) in the mixed forest zone, to optimal (SNJ spring, 112 pts) in the grassland and pine forest zone. The three sections evaluated based on the hydromorphological quality protocol all presented affectations. The greatest affectations were registered in the hydrology section (24 pts average), while the basin section was the best preserved (33 pts average).

Aquatic Bioindicators

Macroscopic algae. Twenty-two species of algae with visible growths were recognized, of which five belong to the Cyanoprokariota, six to the Chlorophyta, two to the Rhodophyta, and one to the Heterokontophyta. The most abundant and frequent species were Nostoc aff. parmelioides and Placoma aff. regulare, with Nostoc being the most frequent. The Chlorophyta Ulothrix sp, Oedogonium sp and Spirogyra sp were diverse in the springs, and the presence of Hildenbrandia rivularis stands out in the SNJ spring (Fig. 3). Macroscopic algal growths were not recorded in three springs: Ermita San José, La Rosita, and Cañada de Cuervos. The greatest diversity of taxa was recorded in the LBG spring with 9 species, while a single species was recorded in the springs PTR, TMC, CG1, and CG2.

Benthic Macroinvertebrates. A total of 1279 individuals were collected and identified, including larvae, pupae, and adults. They were classified into two subclasses (Oligochaeta and Hydracarina) and 12 orders with 35 families: Trichoptera (9 families), Diptera (7 families), Plecoptera (3 families), Hemiptera (3 families), Coleoptera (3 families), Ephemeroptera (2 families), Isopoda (2 families), and Collembola (1 family). The site that presented the least diversity of families was MMB (7), while LBG and MES registered the highest number of families (both 17). The families with the greatest number of registered individuals were: Dugesiidae (246), Baetidae (220), and Heptageniidae (100). The families with the lowest abundance records were Perlidae (1), Dytiscidae (1), and Isotomidae (1). The two orders with the highest number of individuals and frequencies of appearance were Trichoptera (Limnephilidae, Helicopsychidae, and Lepidostomatidae families) and Ephemeroptera (Baetidae and Heptageniidae families)(Fig. 3).

The site that registered the greatest combined diversity of macroinvertebrates and macroscopic algae was the LBG spring. On the other hand, sites with lower macroinvertebrate diversity did not necessarily show a similar pattern with algae. No conclusive relationship was observed between the presence of organisms and hydromorphological quality.

Characterization of spring uses and management strategies. Nineteen in-depth interviews were conducted, of which 16 were with men and three with women. This inequality in gender distribution is the result of the predominance of men as landowners in the community. Among those interviewed, three people identified themselves as owners of trout farms, two as members of the local community authorities, four people said they were members of the forest and water surveillance committee, two people as owners of restaurants, and the others recognized themselves as members of the community without a particular position or without owning a business.

Water uses. The uses for springs reported in the interviews were mostly local. Among the most important uses mentioned include domestic supply to irregular settlements that are within the Conservation Soil, supply for houses in the urban area carried out by the water system of Mexico City (SACMEX), breeding of animals and trout farms, water supply for restaurants, and as tourist attractions. In addition to the local use of water, since 2006 the community has planned to implement a commercial use with a drinking water bottler, through the extraction of water from the LGB spring. These plans have not materialized due to internal conflicts in the community and because permits with the federal and local authorities do not seem to be in order, according to the interviewees:

[…] I mean I was going to bring the water to the pipe (pipes that they build locally), you can say to the filling, already from the filling it goes to the filters, from the filters to fill the jugs (okay) that is, it has everything, it had everything[…]And do you know if there has been a study in which they assess how many jugs could be filled per day or per week so as to not deplete the spring?... They (government authorities) gave us five thousand jugs, five thousand, even all the material is there.

Water supply to the restaurant area within the middle part of the sub-basin works through a system of direct extraction from two different springs. This system consists of local networks of hoses of different thicknesses that take advantage of the force of gravity given the slope of the landscape. Many of the restaurateurs are also owners of fish farms that use the springs to supply water to the ponds. In addition to this network of hoses connected directly from springs, water distribution techniques include the use of infrastructure built during the factory era such as diversion channels:

That channel of that water located at the third Dinamo enters there and reaches a tank that we call the Acopilco tank, […] the water was stored there.

All water distribution strategies are in response to specific supply problems that are solved individually or in small groups. These solutions are not subject to community consensus, nor is there a mediation role between users and government entities in charge of water management at the local level.

Regulation and conflicts over distribution and access to water. Two types of conflicts were documented: those that occur within the community and those that occur between the community and government authorities. The first of these is less conflictive, since the community recognizes that all members have rights to use the water, although on certain occasions it is not equitable. The second type are conflicts of greater importance. According to those interviewed, the government pipes the bodies of water and distributes the water to other areas of the city with greater socioeconomic value.

[…] “We had to mobilize, and we had to file a complaint for "ecocide" and we managed to get the city government to stop piping the water from the springs, because they were drying up the entire river bank.”

Some conflicts were also recognized between neighboring communities and irregular human settlements that compete for access to water. Part of these problems were recognized by the community as corrupt dealings between the communal authority and external groups that require water.

There are commissioners (communal authorities) that right now have their rights suspended because they have done a lot of tricks…[…]

Some conflicts were pointed out by the community as a product of bad management practices, in which agreements are reached between third parties for the distribution of water in distant areas, ignoring the community, local agreements, and Mexican legislation on water.

[…] The problem is the governments, there are two things, a mayor arrives and, as they almost always are, they are from the same political party, they take over and they alone do their negotiations and they just tell the commissioner, you know like this and that, because we are going to give water to this part […]

They sold the water, they sold the water, to the hospital […] they piped it and sold it to the Hospital […]

According to interviews, there are no regulations to access the water from the springs or the river. For example, in the case of trout farms, some owners take the water for something they call "antiquity rights," but they do not have an official permit granted by the community or the local authority. Other trout farmers are even certified by the authority as local producers. This generates heterogeneity between both government and local regulations to access water, neither of which are necessary within the area to make use of the springs. Despite the diversity of documented agreements, which apparently work to sustain the different demands for water within the protected area, many community members conclude that it is necessary to regulate the use of water:

I firmly believe that there is no contradiction regarding the sustainable use of water, there is no conflict, it is not opposed to productivity, what is needed are the experts, but the real experts, not the experts who no longer emit trials and this and that, no, experts are needed

Factors Affecting Water Quantity and Quality. Most of the interviewees agreed that excessive extraction of water has caused a decrease in the amount of available water, including significant losses in the dry season in some springs:

Before there was a lot of water, but they exploit it, that is, everything is super exploited, even for example from here on this side a lot of water came down but right now there are a lot of diversions […]

[…] When this treasure runs out, half of Contreras (city hall) is going to suffer from hunger, why? Because all is going to be piped up (the water) […]

Problems regarding the amount of water are seen as something that diminishes the well-being of residents. Interviewees think that the amount of water coming from springs and the river would be enough to supply all the neighborhoods within the Municipality of Magdalena Contreras; however, they agree that the sale of water to remote and luxurious neighborhoods is a detrimental practice that limits the availability of local water:

[…]It's embarrassing to have so much water and also suffer from water at the same time, right? Magdalena Contreras has water to supply all its neighborhoods, without any problem, but the problem that I have seen here for many years is that our water is sold.

Another local problem mentioned as a factor causing the reduction of water in springs and the river was illegal logging:

The problem is deforestation [...], there are people who, when they go to cut down wood, lower about 12 loads (one load is equal to one full dump truck), in a week they grab and make beams, they are not interested in this green, that it is dry, what interests them is to get a ticket and nobody tells them anything [...]

Many interviewees related the lack of water and the piping of rivers and springs to the construction of highways that cross preserved ecosystems:

[…] There are so many damn highways, the government is interested in having highways. What for? If they cut the springs to have roads […]

Regarding the quality of water, all interviewees agreed that water from the springs is of good quality and can be used for human consumption:

[...] Well, that water is clean, that is, it is very good to drink [...]

[…] I drink water from the spring, I go for it directly at the spring […]

However, they mentioned that there are problems related to raising cattle, since feces are a constant source of contamination. In the case of the river, once the riverbed reaches the area of restaurants and tourist activities, the water quality is compromised by detergents, oils from kitchens, and waste from bathrooms that go directly into the riverbed. Faced with these pollution problems, the community does not have the capacity or the legal support to prevent the continuation of waste discharges:

It's clean, it's clean, but when they (restauranters) wash the dishes, all the detergents, everything goes into the river […]

Tourism is very dirty, there is a lot of garbage in the river, beer cans, they are already very rusty, chips, this food that people leave there, in fact, I don't know why the community or the mayor's office doesn't do something to help

The interviewees view the use of informative signs communicating the message of keeping the forest and water bodies clean as helpful to avoiding contamination. They also point out that they do not have garbage containers since the local garbage collection service does not have a route in the wooded area.

Inequity of water access and distribution. Access to water depends on many factors, one of them of special importance being the location of houses since some people live inside the forest and have direct access to a spring or river. However, inhabitants of remote homes must make internal arrangements within the community to extend networks of hoses from the water bodies to their homes. Finally, some live in the urbanized area of the city where access to water is obtained through the public distribution network.

[…] I have a piece of water and I have an inch and we are ten people, well I have to irrigate this piece of land or to have a harvest and I cannot give it to you because well I… that is, if it cost me and I organized myself well I have my water but that's how I've suffered right? […]

In this sense, access to water from the springs and river is free, but not equitable. Different internal agreements, not formal, manage the access to the springs and therefore to water in some cases. These practices function as small monopolies over the resource and favor the existence of elite capture systems that marginalize equitable access to water. A final factor is the money invested by small groups of people to get the infrastructure for transporting and storing water:

We have water it is true, but as it is said individually and in groups and that, well, it can be said that is what many people have. We have a lot of water, you can say that it is plenty, right? and many people who don't even have to drink, so what do you think? that this is the priority of, well, of the many people who lack this vital liquid

According to the evaluated characteristics, springs and streams within the protected area of the Magdalena River sub-basin in Mexico City are classified as first or second order springs. The springs are small, with low and permanent water discharge. These characteristics make them vulnerable to extraction activities, which in some cases are intense. In general terms, the springs present physical, chemical, hydromorphological, and biological elements of good ecological quality. One of the biggest factors affecting the structure and ecological functioning is the lack of both local and institutional organization over the access and extraction of water. In regard to the nutrient concentrations, water was suitable for human use and consumption (NOM-127, 1994). However, five springs presented concentrations close to the maximum allowable limits. Following the criteria used by the United State Environmental Protection Agency-USEPA (Barbour 1999) and Directive Water Framework (DWF 2003) to determine the water quality, the springs of this study would be classified as in a state of contamination, although not severe. This highlights the need to update official Mexican standards that incorporate environmental indicators and physicochemical values that regulate ecological quality. The increase in nutrients is a clear sign of human activities related to agriculture, grazing, water retention dams, extraction pipes, and organic and inorganic waste. Of the four sites most affected, Magdalena Barbechos (MMB), Ermita San José Spring (MES), La Rosita Spring (MLR) and Potrero (PTR), the MES spring is the most at risk since, in addition to hydromorphological effects, nutrient concentrations close to the maximum permissible levels were also recorded. It is important to mention that the PTR spring exports its water to a neighboring community (Jujnovsky 2003), being an additional risk factor.

The biological indicators used turned out to be a very good approximation of the ecological quality of the studied sites. In the case of benthic macroinvertebrates, most of the families presented a low number in terms of absolute abundance. The presence of families of the orders Trichoptera (Limnephilidae and Helicopsychidae) are indicators of good oxygenation, low turbidity, and oligotrophic waters in general, revealing ideal conditions for the development of native fauna (Springer, et al., 2010). The second representative order was Ephemeroptera (Baetidae and Heptageniidae), which also develop in cold and well-oxygenated waters (Gullan and Cranston 2010). Likewise, larvae recorded in this study of the order Plecoptera (families Nemouridae and Perlodidae) are sensitive to habitat degradation and organic pollution (Merritt et al. 2008; Gullan and Cranston 2010). These orders and families have already been recognized as good indicators of ecological quality both in the sub-basin (Caro-Borrero et al. 2016) and at the regional level within the Basin of Mexico (Carmona-Jiménez and Caro-Borrero 2017).

The orders Ephemeroptera, Plecoptera, and Trichoptera (EPT) are characteristic of oligotrophic waters and environments with good ecological quality (Merritt et al. 2008). Their presence can help determine the state of conservation of the springs, and their disappearance can be attributed to an alteration in habitat and/or physical-chemical characteristics (Tierno de Figueroa and López 2015; Caro-Borrero et al. 2016). According to Carmona-Jiménez and Caro-Borrero (2017) and Caro et al. (2016), there are 37 families of benthic macroinvertebrates reported in the Magdalena River, of which 65% were found in this research. The remaining 35% are families exclusive to the springs, such as: Isotomidae, Asellidae, and Stenasellidae, common inhabitants of the hyporheic zone. More than half of the species described for these families are obligate groundwater inhabitants (Thorp and Covich 2010; Pérez and Edmond 2001), so their presence in spring beds could indicate some type of disturbance at the level of benthos.

In the springs, 13 species of macroalgae were reported. This represents approximately one third (38%) of the diversity described in the main channel of the Magdalena River (Rodríguez and Carmona-Jiménez 2018), indicating the presence of particular species of this environment. The dominance of cyanobacteria in the springs is related to their ability to inhabit nitrogen-free sites, a condition that is confirmed and repeated in little disturbed mountain streams in the Mexico basin (Carmona-Jiménez et al. 2016). The presence of the red alga Hildenbrandia rivularis stands out due to its exclusive distribution in rivers of temperate regions of North America and Europe (Carmona-Jiménez et al. 2002; Wher and Sheath 2003), suggesting a biogeographical affinity and the determination of temperate springs from tropical regions. This condition is similar to other species of algae reported from well-preserved tributaries and rivers of the basin of Mexico and southern United States (Rodríguez and Carmona-Jiménez 2018). On the other hand, abundant and cosmopolitan species of diatoms such as Melosira varians were recorded in the spring with the highest concentration of nutrients (LB). These species are reported in oligo-mesotrophic rivers in other regions of the world (Seguetto et al. 2016; Spaulding, 2020). Munn et al. (2002) documented a shift from forested streams dominated by cyanobacteria to diatom dominated urban streams. Changes in diatom composition from oligotrophic to eutrophic species have been commonly reported (Chessman et al. 1999; Winter and Duthie 2000; Newall and Walsh 2005).

The social perception of the springs’ state of conservation is good and reliable. However, it was also apparent that negative human alteration is beginning to be evident in the ecosystem. In general, the conditions described by the physicochemical, hydromorphological, and biological indicators coincided with the descriptions by the people interviewed, specifically of processes of gradual deterioration of peri-urban basins such as the Magdalena River sub-basin within Mexico City (Walsh et al. 2005; Varis et al. 2007) that has not been reversed due to the few legal actions for the conservation and management of water bodies in the basin of Mexico. The perception of local inhabitants regarding aquatic resources, together with the cultural adaptation of water management to local conditions, should be the starting point for establishing a legitimate system of water governance. For this, it is important to establish a cultural and social learning process that facilitates the management of aquatic resources without detriment to local uses and customs (Pahl-Wostl et al. 2008; Pearson et al. 2010).

A set of factors contribute to the fact that the springs and, more generally, the bodies of water surrounding Mexico City are in danger of disappearing. In the first place, institutional invisibility is one of the biggest complaints from local residents. They feel completely discouraged by the institutional bureaucracy to jointly establish guidelines for water management. Between the local and federal administrations, the shared responsibility for water translates into a kind of administrative and operational abandonment. Secondly, the lack of knowledge of local collective action is a serious problem within the community that manages the natural resources of the sub-basin. Collective action was a documented process for the benefit of small sectors or groups, but not for the common good. This lack of organization/action translates into a detriment to both the ecological conditions of the ecosystems and the well-being of the inhabitants who depend on the quantity and quality of water for their livelihoods (Muradian and Cárdenas 2015; Varis et al. 2007). In the case of the Magdalena River sub-basin, it would be complex and complicated to establish a single collective action system that would also be functional. Under these circumstances of complex social organization, it is recommended to consolidate water management through a single regulation that prioritizes the welfare of the socio-ecosystem. However, the implementation of this regulation must be carried out through the formation of groups organized around shared interests. This strategy could achieve a change in social attitudes, favoring collective learning through cooperation and the solution of common problems, and build small governance systems that contribute to water management at the basin scale (Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007).

With this panorama, it is necessary to adopt a management strategy that considers local development above urban development of the megacity. The case of Mexico City is complex, not only in ecological terms since the number of surface water bodies is limited and rapidly decreasing due to urban expansion (Caro-Borrero et al. 2021; Varis et al. 2007), but also in social terms since the effective and equitable governance of natural resources seems to be an unattainable goal in conditions of poverty and socio-economic inequality (Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007; Varis et al. 2007).

We propose that a regulation system be established for the use and distribution of water that considers: the monitoring of ecological quality in the springs; the fragility at the ecosystem level; the operation at the local level; and the cultural uses of water in the area, including the knowledge and capacity for social learning as a tool to establish local governance systems (Lebel et al. 2020; Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007). An intervention plan should include the following actions in a participatory manner between the community and both local and federal authorities: (i) Census and current location of springs in the sub-basin. Many local people refuse to reveal spring locations for fear of overexploitation and even alienation by the government. (ii) Ecological evaluation of actively used springs, since they are seen only as water reservoirs and the ecosystem services, they provide beyond water are ignored. In addition, an ecological flow study must be included to assess the maximum permissible extraction amount. (iii) Census of local economic and domestic activities that depend on the springs. And (iv), local water distribution agreements, a practice that has been established in the sub-basin since the 19th century where water users establish local agreements for the equitable distribution of water.

The results of this research show a known problem for many peri-urban areas of the world, where domestic and urban usages compete with local and rural usages in the midst of city development. Therefore, these small conservation areas, both in ecological and cultural terms, seem to be trapped in a development inertia that is not comparable with the local dynamics. This set of conditions warrants social learning processes that allow for conservation planning and the resource use that are equitable and do not favor one social group over another, generating consensus and certainty about the socio-ecosystem and therefore establishing resilience in socio-ecological terms (Folke et al. 2003; Lebel et al., 2010).

The springs evaluated in this study conserve physicochemical, hydromorphological, and biological features, which classifies them as bodies of water in good ecological conditions. However, some of them are beginning to show signs of change due to human activities related to local extraction, the establishment of tourism and livestock activities, and, above all, the lack of governance that facilitates the assignment of attributions regarding rights and co-responsibilities. In ecological terms, macroinvertebrate and algal species typical of clean waters exclusive to springs were found, making these sites hot spots of local diversity that translates into a particular structure and function. These ecological characteristics are at latent risk since the expansion of human activities is causing a decrease in flow, the removal of sediment in the riverbed, and the incorporation of organic matter that modifies the original conditions of the springs. From the socio-ecosystem perspective, a lack of governance was apparent. In lieu of this, local agreements were found that involve landowners, business owners, and local government, for a distribution of water characterized as unequal by the interviewees. The establishment of a citizen and government participation system for water management in peri-urban basins is recommended. This system must consider local development, socio-cultural complexity, richness, and at the same time ecosystem fragility, and the socio-ecological context in which these water distribution mechanisms are established. Finally, an action plan is proposed that includes the following elements: census of water bodies within the Conservation Soil; ecological evaluations of actively used springs (and unused springs as a reference element); census of local economic and domestic activities that depend on the springs; and water distribution agreements at the local level that take into account the previous points.

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Acknowledgements

The authors want to thank the financial support program, Programa de Apoyo a Proyectos de Investigación e Innovación Tecnológica (UNAM-IN307219). We thank PhD candidate Brett Butler for English style and grammar correction. Also, we would like to thank the Magdalena Atlitic community that shared their time, ideas, and reflections with us, and to Edgar Miguel Caro Borrero for the elaboration of the art figures. The compilation of information in the field and its systematization was carried out by Javier Carmona, Angela Caro, Fernanda Figueroa, Kenia Márquez, Sonia Nápoles, and Victor Hugo Salinas.

Table 1. Geographic location, physicochemical and hydromorphological characteristics of sampled springs in the Magdalena River sub-basin. Current velocity (CV), Discharge (Q), Temperature (T), Specific conductivity (K25), Dissolved Oxygen (DO), Soluble Reactive Phosphorous (SRP), Nitrite (NO2-), Nitrate (NO3-), Ammonium (NH4+), Hydromorphological quality (HQ).

Site and ubication (Latitude North/ Longitude Western)

Altitude

(a m.s.l.)

Width

[m]

[m/s]

Depth

[m]

[m³/s]

T [°C]

K25

[µS/cm]

[mg/L]

SRP

[mg/L]

NO^2-

[mg/L]

NO^3-

[mg/L]

NH⁴⁺

[mg/L]

1.Manantial Ermita San José (MES)

19°17´05.18´´

99°16´39.62´´

2882

0.37

(0.20-0.50)

0.1

(0.1)

0.018

(0.013-0.025)

0.0007

(0.0003-0.001)

11.9

(10.8-12.8)

117.5

(116-119)

6.9

(6.7-7.1)

7.1

0.28

(0.26-0.3)

0.01

(0.01-0.01)

0.02

(0.02-0.03)

0.03

(0.03-0.04)

2.Arroyo La Rosita Alto (LRA)

19°16´53.98´´ 99°17´07.55´´

2947

1.8

(1.4-2-2)

0.249

(0.17-0.31)

0.073

(0.051-0.11)

0.02

(0-0.04)

11.3

(10.1-12.1)

128.5

(103-154)

6.3

(5.5-6.8)

7.5

0.36

(0.23-0.59)

0.00

(0.00-0.01)

0.03

(0.02-0.05)

0.31

(0.07-0.55)

112

3.Manantial La Rosita (MLR)

19°16´56.83´´ 99°16´59.03´´

2916

0.48

(0.3-0.6)

0.223

(0.15-0.32)

0.032

(0.025-0.04)

0.0031

(0.002-0.004)

11.6

(10.4-12.3)

112.5

(112-113)

6.9

(6.5-7.1)

7.1

0.20

(0.14-0.27)

0.00

(0.00-0.01)

0.03

(0.02-0.04)

0.04

(0.03-0.06)

4.Manantial La Bodega (LBG)

19°15´59.54´´

99°17´15.20´´

3072

0.42

(0.35-0.5)

0.163

(0.1-0.2)

0.021

(0.013-0.034)

0.0012

(0.001-0.0014)

12.2

(12-12-3)

68.5

(30-107)

6.0

(5.3-6.5)

7.6

0.37

(0.3-0.47)

0.00

(0.00-0.00)

0.05

(0.01-0.13)

0.02

(0.0-0.03)

5.Manantial Potrero (PTR)

19°15´45.82´´ 99°16´45.51´´

3138

0.62

(0.16-1.1)

0.99

(0.23-1.77)

0.041

(0.025-0.065)

0.014

(0.008-0.018)

10.6

(10.4-10.8)

78.5

(103-154)

6.2

(5.7-6.5)

7.1

0.31

(0.14-0.49)

0.00

(0.00-0.01)

0.04

(0.03-0.06)

0.01

(0.01-0.02)

6.Manantial San José (SNJ)

19°15´56.64´´ 99°17´59.36´´

3221

0.77

(0.6-1.0)

0.33

(0.15-0.6)

0.067

(0.063-0.073)

0.02

(0.007-0.04)

10.9

(10.9-11)

97.5

(97-98)

6.5

(5.7-7)

6.5

0.18

(0.12-0.26)

0.00

(0.00-0.00)

0.06

(0.02-0.12)

0.04

(0.03-0.06)

7.Manantial Temascalco(TMC)

19°15´57.68´´

99°17´59.94´´

3236

0.82

(0.45-1.2)

0.305

(0.224-0.37)

0.061

(0.023-0.09)

0.016

(0.004-0.03)

(10.9-11.2)

95.5

(94-97)

6.4

(6-7.3)

6.8

0.22

(0.14-0.3)

0.00

(0.00-0.00)

0.06

(0.03-0.08)

0.14

(0.03-0.25)

8.Arroyo Cañada de Cuervos(CDC)

19°14´43.5´´

99°19´12´´

3446

0.8

(0.5-1.4)

0.232

(0.16-0.31)

0.067

(0.05-0.096)

0.014

(0.004-0.03)

12.3

(11-13.7)

72.5

(69-76)

6.5

(6.0-7.1)

6.6

0.24

(0.17-0.38)

0.00

(0.00)

0.01

(0.01-0.02)

0.07

(0.05-0.1)

9.Manantial Magdalena Barbechos (MMB)

19°15´44.7´´ 99°15´44.7´´

3471

1.10

(1.0-1.2)

0.345

(0.28-0.44)

0.041

(0.03-0.05)

0.015

(0.01-0.02)

9.4

(9-10)

58.9

(57-60)

6.7

(6.3-7.4)

7.5

0.17

(0.12-0.23)

0.00

(0.00-0.01)

0.01

(0.0-0.02)

0.04

(0.02-0.06)

10.Manantial Cieneguillas 2(CG2)

19°14´32.6´´

99°19´48.2´´

3524

0.5

(0.3-0.7)

0.24

(0.163-0.37)

0.024

(0.012-0.04)

0.003

(0.001-0.0075)

(10)

(70-74)

6.4

(5.9-7.1)

6.5

0.46

(0.37-0.58)

0.01

(0.00-0.01)

0.01

(0.01-0.02)

0.04

(0.04-0.05)

105

11.Manantial Cieneguillas 1(CG1)

19°14´35.1´´

99°19´48.1´´

3528

0.7

(0.5-1.0)

0.15

(0.11-0.17)

0.036

(0.02-0.063)

0.0033

(0.002-0.005)

9.9

(9.9-10)

69.5

(68-71)

6.8

(6.2-7.7)

5.5

0.56

(0.33-0.95)

0.01

(0.0-0.01)

0.02

(0.01-0.02)

0.04

(0.02-0.05)

102

12.Arroyo Presa Cieneguillas (PDC)

19°14´35´´

99°19´54.4´´

3530

0.73

(0.1-1.2)

0.19

(0.1-0.4)

0.08

(0.01-0.2)

0.026

(0.001-0.06)

10.9

(9.9-12.9)

(58-78)

6.5

(5.8-7.5)

6.7

0.08

(0.06-0.12)

0.00

(0.00-0.01)

0.01

(0.01-0.02)

0.06

(0.03-0.08)

13.Manantial Cañada de Cuervos(CMC)

19°14´13.5´´

99°19´3.8´´

3602

0.47

(0.4-0.9)

0.12

(0.1-0.2)

0.013

(0.01-0.03)

0.002

(0.001-0.005)

11.7

(9.7-15.6)

(65)

5.7

(5.4-6.0)

5.3

0.14

(0.07-0.18)

0.00

(0.00-0.01)

0.01

(0.0-0.01)

0.03

(0.03-0.04)

No competing interests reported.

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You are reading this latest preprint version

“The springs are untouchable”: amid community management and government neglect, the last springs in peri-urban areas of Mexico City

Status:

Version 1

Abstract

Figures

Introduction

Springs as ecological and human resources

Social organization in the Magdalena River Conservation Soil

Material And Methods

Results

Physicochemical and hydromorphological quality

[...] Well, that water is clean, that is, it is very good to drink [...]

Discussion

Conclusion

References

Declarations

Acknowledgements

Tables

Competing Interests

Status:

Version 1