Clinical guidelines define the Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) as a chronic condition (Guía Nacional de Práctica Clínica sobre el Trastorno por Déficit de Atención con Hiperactividad (TDAH) en Niños y Adolescentes). However, ADHD prevalence rates vary as time passes depending on the child's development stage, the time elapsed after diagnosis, and how or who makes the assessment report. An 18-month follow-up study of children with mental health problems (Goodman et al., 2002) showed that symptoms and impairment scores tend to keep up in adulthood for behavioral and hyperkinesia problems. However, ADHD research like Miller et al. (2004) show decreasing rates as time elapses from the time diagnosis takes place; in fact, rates went down 20–30% after 2–3 years from the diagnosis moment, and 40–80% after 3–8 years. Among teenagers, studies report 70% prevalence of ADHD rates (Sibley et al., 2012), although for adults, ADHD rates vary from 5% (Fischer et al., 2002; McCormick, 2004) to 45.7% (Kessler et al., 2010). Some authors point out that prevalence rates in adults might be underestimated when using self-reports (rates would be around 1.4% in this case) instead of information provided by relatives (rates would rise to 46%) (Barkley et al., 2002). ADHD rates also vary depending on the time of rates under study, whether symptoms, syndrome, or impairment rates (Biederman et al., 2000). However, impairment or interference criteria are the best factors when predicting ADHD symptoms persistence (Sibley et al., 2012).
Previous literature shows consistent data about ADHD clinical symptoms development. Inattention and hyperactive symptoms have a different progress as time elapses, and specific symptoms appear in adults with ADHD. Inattention symptoms might continue into adulthood (94.9% of the population retain these symptoms), while hyperactivity/impulsivity symptoms may decrease (34.6% of the population retain these symptoms) (Biederman et al., 2000; Kessler et al., 2010). Previous studies point out the need of reviewing ADHD diagnosis criteria in adults. On the one hand, the level of performance in executive tasks (e.g., time management, setting priorities, etc.) should receive more attention in adult population compared to inattention or hyperactive symptoms (Kessler et al., 2010), while adult ADHD may also be related to inner restlessness feelings. Therefore, specific adult tasks and criteria are proposed to address ADHD adult diagnosis (Barkley et al., 2008). On the other hand, in adult ADHD, as opposed to child ADHD, impairment severity appears to be positively related to symptom severity (Kessler et al., 2006; Mannuzza et al., 2011).
Several previous studies point out a higher risk of mental illness in adulthood for those who suffered ADHD in their childhood, especially for depression disorder (26%), histrionic personality disorder (12%), antisocial personality disorder (21%), passive-aggressive personality disorder (18%), and borderline personality disorder (1%) (Fischer et al., 2002). Other studies point that adults do not maintain ADHD diagnosis nor treatment, but they suffer other adult mental disorders like personality disorders or drugs abuse (Mannuzza et al., 1993, 1998) and receive clinical treatment for those (Fayyad et al., 2007). Understanding ADHD as a behavioral and contextual problem, ulterior mental health diagnosis and comorbidities would be understood as a sign of a common dysfunctional pattern. This pattern would be built on the lack of behavioral repertoire in self-regulation that needs to be trained (Ayllón y Milan, 1996; Luciano y Gómez, 1998; Paniagua, 1987; Ruiz et al., 2012; Willis y Loovas, 1977). This general dysfunctional pattern experienced in every mental health disorder has been denominated experiential avoidance pattern (Hayes et al., 1996) from a functional-contextual perspective.
ADHD has also been related to major social, academic, and working problems. Among teenagers, ADHD diagnosis in childhood has been related to lower academic results and higher rates of behavioral disorders (Lambert, 1988), antisocial behavior, cigarette and marijuana use, less stable family status (Barkley et al., 1990), school failure and academic dropout (Kent et al., 2011), and behavioral disinhibition (Fischer et al., 1990) compared to the nonclinical adolescent population. Children with ADHD have been related in young adulthood to a higher risk of drugs and substance abuse, arrests for possession or selling those substances (Fischer et al., 2002), lower academic goals (just a minority might finish high/secondary school), lower academic and working achievements (Mannuzza et al., 1993), lower working conditions (Biederman & Faraone, 2006), and difficulties in personal relationships and social roles (Fayyad et al., 2007; Rösler et al., 2010). Some previous studies point out the appearance of difficulties in personal relationships for those adults who maintain ADHD symptoms (Moyá et al., 2014). All these associated difficulties would be linked to a lack of behavioral repertoire in self-regulation under medium and long-term conditions present in children with ADHD difficulties (Ayllón y Milan, 1996; Luciano y Gómez, 1998; Paniagua, 1987; Ruiz et al., 2012; Willis y Loovas, 1977).
The clinical course and long-term risks described above might be influenced by psychosocial factors and the severity of ADHD disorder and other comorbidities in childhood. Family and academic experiences in kindergarten and primary school children with hyperactivity were related to behavioral disorders and the appearance of later substance abuse (Lambert, 1988). Moreover, those ADHD children who had experienced psychosocial adversity tend to maintain ADHD symptoms in the future (Biederman et al., 1996). Besides, comorbid behavioral disorders associated with ADHD seem to be related to academic, behavioral, and mental difficulties in adolescence (Lambert, 1988) and adulthood (Fischer et al., 2002). The co-occurrence of family mental disorders is also related to the persistence of ADHD symptoms (Biederman et al., 1996).
Additionally, there are social factors that needs to be considered when understanding ADHD. There are previous works that points out that current cultural management (based on immediate reward, digitalization and urgency to avoid discomfort) might be related to dysfunctional mental health patterns such as ADHD (García de Vinuesa et al., 2014; Timimi y Taylor, 2004). Moreover, there is a cultural-social tendency to deal with aberrant behavior or emotions in children through technical (particularly pharmaceutical) interventions (García de Vinuesa et. al, 2014), a phenomenon has been referred to as the 'McDonaldization' of children's mental health (Timimi, 2010). These factors might be linked to a “psychopathologization” of childhood and the upward trend of ADHD diagnosis (García de Vinuesa et al., 2014).
Despite all these data, this work presents a long-term study in which, after 5 or 10 years from the onset of ADHD symptoms. Specific objectives of this paper are three: (a) to describe the current clinical state of children detected with ADHD symptoms in 2004 and 2009; (b) to analyze their current occupation; (c) to know about their current interference in their everyday life.