Setting the context
Coastal and shore areas with evidence of historic human habitation are very rich in cultural heritage, both tangible and intangible. Such legacy is due to people living along the shores of oceans, lakes and rivers; these people developed traditions to shape their daily activities (Ichumbaki 2011, 2017; Taylor 1992). Interactions between water bodies and communities in the past have created a legacy celebrated by maritime people today that will continue to evolve in the future. This legacy is what we refer to, in this paper, as Marine Cultural Heritage (MCH). MCH can be understood as a set of tangible and intangible cultural goods both in water and on the land which past humans left, and the present generation celebrate as part of their history (Henderson 2019; Holly et al., 2022; Joan and Carbonell 2014). Whereas the tangible MCH include shipwrecks, submerged settlements, coastal settlements, ports and harbours, maritime ecologies and geology; the intangible marine cultural heritage involve cultural practices, artistic and linguistic expressions, local skills, and traditional knowledge.
Taking a holistic approach to marine cultural heritage, some initiatives in Eastern Africa such as those by Rising from the Depths (RftD) Network, focused on built heritage, underwater wreck sites, and historic coastal environments. Some other projects have dealt with material practices and living traditions, bringing them into development conversations and resulting in an enhanced understanding of MCH (Holly et al., 2022). While the implemented projects have produced multiple academic works, we hereby present a few on the coast of Tanzania which are also relevant to the current paper. In Tanzania, Ichumbaki and colleagues provide a well detailed article documenting the building of ngalawa (outrigger log-boat) from the start to the end (Ichumbaki et al. 2022a). Ichumbaki’s article follows the construction process from the selection and the felling of the tree(s) to the launching of the vessel. It outlines the tools and materials used and details the sequence followed in construction and presents choices and considerations made along the way. Ichumbaki and colleagues’ work outline the maritime knowledge and skills that need to be preserved and transmitted to generations. Other works detail the types and typologies of boats in Zanzibar channel and documentation of boats’ names and the messages they convey (Cooper et al., 2022a; Ichumbaki et al., 2022b). Such initiatives contribute to understanding the intangible MCH of the Swahili coast. In additional, building on the RftD network’s efforts to promote and enhance MCH, twenty-seven projects implemented, identified ways the tangible submerged and coastal heritage and its associated intangible aspects, can stimulate ethical, inclusivity, and sustainable community development (Henderson 2019).
It is relevant that David Taylor’s (1992) report gives insight on what to document when considering intangible MCH and how to document it. Regarding what to document, Taylor (1992:11) argues that: “….in maritime communities, one rich context for traditional expressions is the occupational group.” He proposes documentation of all traditional activities that identify fishers (both men and women), boat builders, net makers, harbour pilots, and deep-sea fishing boat captains; these groups’ materials are a source of knowledge for the future generations. Building on Taylor’s idea, some researchers (e.g., see Caillaud et al., 2004; Simcock 2017) have documented beliefs, customs, and taboos such as restrictions and instructions the local people of Melanesia (New Guinea) use in handling the sea, marine resources, and sea vessels. The proverbs and sayings on the weather of waterways and fishing in general were documented. Some more recent studies (see Farley 2021) have documented coastline stories concerning lighthouses, Vikings, whalers, and fishers’ folktales including how such folklore shape landscape, people and history. Following the above background, the current paper documents the intangible MCH particularly the local fishing songs of eastern Africa focusing on Kilwa Kisiwani as a case study. Kilwa Kisiwani is a World Heritage Site whose development is linked to maritime trade growth during the early second millennium AD and local communities continue to depend on the sea for their day-to-day livelihoods.
Research background and objectives
Globally, the documentation of the intangible MCH has gained momentum in the past three decades (Caillaud et al., 2004; Ichumbaki and Pollard 2020; Jeffery and Parthesius 2013). For instance, David Taylor (1992) explains about the folk life of the fishing villages in Florida. In his work, Taylor explains the disappearance of shanties (fishing songs) as a result of technological change in the maritime occupations due to the spread of popular music through electronic media (Taylor 1992:11). Taylor argues that the advent of engines to haul anchors and nets minimized collaborative works that required singing motivational songs. Taylor’s work, however, would have been more persuasive if he had documented songs and the context in which they emerge. Unfortunately, Taylor did not explain the songs’ meanings and roles as he did for marine legends and stories.
Globally, there are only a handful studies that have focused on fishing songs (i.e., Creighton 1992; Hughes 2000; Ishikawa 2004; Konesni 2008; and McGlothlin 2019). The few studies that exist are limited in terms of topics and spartial coverage. For instance, the Australian National Maritime Museum (ANMM) established in 1991 to preserve, promote and showcase Australia’s marine heritage contains a collection of musical sheets of sea shanties (ANMM 2018, 2020). Unfortunately, these musical sheets do not reflect indigenous fishing activities, but rather general maritime communities’ lives such as love affairs and pirates. Besides, the museum does not contain documents on the actual meaning of the shanties, which would have provided details beyond the musical sheets. The ANNMM has historic wooden ships, shipwrecks, engravings, swimming caps, early European sea paintings, medicines, manuscripts and diaries collections but narratives on ‘fishing songs’ are lacking.
Elsewhere, however, some researchers have documented fishing songs from a gender perspective (i.e., women-based motivational song). For instance, Hughes (2000) and Ishikawa (2004) study of Japanese traditional fishing songs inform about the strength of women, both sexually and in household duties. One empirical example is the fishing song called Soran-bushi. Originally, the Hokkaido fishermen of Northern Japan sang soran-bushi to raise their morale particularly when transferring herring to smaller boats using a net that looked like a giant butterfly (Hughes 2000). The song was later introduced into Japanese traditional dances, where the dancers acted as fishers paddling, dragging nets, pulling up the anchor and lifting luggage over their shoulders (Ishikawa 2004).
McGlothlin (2019) describe ten (10) fishing songs (American sea chanties) for promoting marine culture. She describes song titles alongside their meanings but not lyrics, contexts and roles. A similar trend is observed in the work of the Smithsonian (2019) that documents lyrics of European Shanties without analysing meanings, roles, and contexts in which they emerge. These scholarships build on the work of a folklorist Helen Creighton who, for nearly fifty years, documented about one hundred and fifty (150) maritime songs informing about love, the sea and battle, among other things (Christian 2017). These songs were collected and recorded from musicians living in Nova Scotia maritime community but not from fishers (Creighton 1992). Each song Hellen recorded begins with a musical notation (single musical line without guitar tabs) followed by verses and ending with its history. Helen’s work would have been more complete if she had documented the meaning and role of each song as well as songs’ contexts. Despite this limitation, however, as Christian (2017) notes, Hellen’s book is a treasure house of songs.
Similarly, in West Africa, Konesni (2008) presents fishing songs by fishers of the Ga tribe in Ghana. The purpose of the songs are to energize the fishers but the meaning of the lyrics, and context of each fishing song was not documented. Some fishing songs have also been recorded is South Africa. In addition to fishing songs, here the intangible maritime heritage include stories and poems about the sea in memory of the slave trade across the Indian and Atlantic Oceans (Baderoon 2009). One example of these songs is about the American confederate ship, the Alabama, which sailed into Table Bay in South Africa in 1863. A song by Nyezwa Mxolisi goes:
The sea is heavy inside us, and I won’t sleep tonight,
I have buckets of memory in a jar, that I kept for days and nights like these
Here comes the Alabama, the Alabama comes over the sea
(Baderoon 2009: 89).
Like the case in West and South Africa, coastal fishing communities in East Africa have beliefs, songs, taboos, and traditions that accompany and guide maritime-based activities: sailing, fishing, boat building and handling of fishing vessels (Nindi 2007; Cooper et al. 2022b). Living heritage such as rituals, narratives and practices associated with the fishing activities, however, are limited in the literature. A few existing ones include narratives of Jiwe la Jahazi (a stone shaped like dhow), fishers and other villagers in Kilwa Kisiwani describe as a dhow turned into a stone for it intended to invade Kilwa (Jeffrey and Parthesius 2013; Pollard et al., 2016; Ichumbaki 2020). There are also a few studies that document boat-building knowledge and skills (Ichumbaki et al., 2022a) and meanings of wooden boats’ names in Bagamoyo (Ichumbaki et al. 2022b). A more focused study on intangible MCH is the folklore of a giant man ‘Nyengakumbi’ described as a maritime hero whose one stretch pushed ships heading to Zanzibar and dragged them back to Kiswere in Kilwa district (Ichumbaki and Pollard 2020: 18). Additional study on MCH along the Swahili coast is that of Mesaki and Salleh (2008). The authors document folklores about seasons, sea waves, winds, fish species and fishers’ determination to reach the shore; a few songs are documented with no details on lyrical translation, structure, meanings, and contexts.
From the foregoing discussion, it is apparent that, studies on intangible MCH have focused on oral traditions such as myths, legends and narratives, boat-building knowledge, skills as well as navigation practices. In East Africa, there are a handful of studies, that document and inform about the fishing songs. For instance, there are recordings of songs of Haya people of Bukoba that informs about various topics including fishing, paddling and hunting (unknown author, 1950). On the East African coast, the only existing knowledge about maritime folklore with a mention of fishing songs in passing is by Mesaki and Salleh (2008). Apart from these two, as far as we are aware, there is no any intensive study that has investigated fishing songs in East Africa. It is against this background that, the current paper documents fishing songs; provides their meanings and contexts of the songs; and asses the values and/or relevance of the fishing songs for maritime heritage.
Fieldwork and data collection methods
The data reported in this paper were collected in two phases: from September to December in 2019 and March to May in 2020. In the first phase, the fieldwork formed part of the Kisima[1] project. The authors had several conversations with KK women to record narratives and stories they tell while fetching water from the groundwater wells. During water fetching activity, women raised concern on how their husbands talk about them as they sail to and from fishing sites. Of great interest here and relevant for the current article was fishers’ songs that concern women. Thus, the aspect of songs in fishing activities motivated our interest to study the types, nature and meaning of the songs the fishers sing while engaging in fishing and other maritime-oriented activities. In the second phase (March – May 2020) we returned to KK for an extended inquiry on fishing songs to answer the not answered questions in previous fieldwork due to limited time. The major questions we thought to answer were: 1) what type of songs (and how many) do the fishers sing as they go fishing, fish, return from fishing, sell their fish, and/or sail their boats to shore? 2) In what contexts do the fishers sing those songs? 3) What is/are the meaning(s) of these local fishing songs; and 4) What do the songs contain in terms of maritime heritage, their connection with fishing activities, the sea (the fishing milieu) and changes over time?
To answer these questions, we employed four data collection strategies namely, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, holding meetings, and participatory observation. For our interviews, we formulated simple and straightforward (semi-structured) questions in Kiswahili. The questions looked for answers from the local people regarding the nature, contexts, and content of fishing songs. Key interviewees and group discussion members were fishers and other experienced collaborators in the fishing industry (i.e., boat builders, teenagers and fish-trap makers, retired fishers). We interviewed participants in an informal setting to avoid interrupting their daily schedule. During fieldwork, we conducted interviews either at the beach or home compounds where fishers design and make fish traps. For older people and retired fishers (aged between 60 and 80 years old), we requested appointments and interviewed them at their home. With the consent of the local collaborators, we used H1n Hand Recorder to record conversations. Recording the conversations allowed us to carefully listen to and concentrate on the explanations the interviewees provided. In addition, we made notes of some key responses and non-verbal clues.
The interviewed local collaborators comprised of shallow and deep-water fishers, night and daytime fishers (aged between 20–50’s years old) as well as teenagers relaxing on the beach. Other collaborators we interviewed included fish collectors, fishmongers, boat builders, fish-trap makers and fishers who are also musicians; they compose and sing fishing songs. We also conducted interviews with KK women, including those collecting fish and other marine species along the shore. Additional interviewees included women selling fish and others who used to sell fish but now moved to other businesses. In total, we interviewed seventy-four (74) respondents (see Table 1).
Table 1
Category, number, and percentages of interviewed groups in Kilwa Kisiwani
No.
|
Categories (Sample Unit)
|
Sample size
|
Percentages
|
1.
|
Local fishermen
|
30
|
40.5
|
2.
|
Local fisherwomen
|
23
|
31.0
|
3.
|
Retired fishermen
|
9
|
12.2
|
4.
|
Older KK women
|
4
|
05.4
|
5.
|
Teenagers relaxing on beach
|
8
|
10.8
|
|
TOTAL
|
74
|
100
|
The questions to fishers aimed to document existence of singing culture during fishing and the kind of songs fishers sing, when do they sing, how and why? As it will become apparent in the next sections, answers for these questions enabled us to understand context(s) of the songs and the lyrics’ meaning(s). Answers to such questions did also inform us on the type of songs the fishers sing as they prepare to go fishing, fish and return from fishing, and the related activities. Indeed, these probing questions helped us to understand the various types of fishing songs (both old and new) along with musicological characteristics.
In addition to in-depth interviews, we held focus group discussions between us (researchers) and the local collaborators. This strategy helped to obtain the perceptions and experiences of more than one local person. Focus group discussion was a semi-structured method for gathering data, whereby purposefully selected participants gathered to discuss issues based on selected themes (see Bedford and Burgess 2001). The discussion involved KK fishers aged between 20 and 50 years. Since fishers perform most of their fishing activities in groups, we held discussions at boatyards where fishers repair fishing nets. The group discussions continued in the fishing boat trip where either one of us or both participated in. In total, we conducted three discussion groups which had four to six fishers. Like interviews, conducting focus group discussion intended to understand KK fishing songs, their meanings, and contexts. As a strategy to complement interviews, the group discussions aimed to understand why fishers sing certain songs and not the other in various fishing processes.
We did also held a day meeting with a group of nineteen (19) women, the majority of whom were wives of fishermen in KK. The women who attended the meeting are members of Wanawake, Utamaduni na Magofu -- Kilwa Kisiwani (WAUMAKI)[2] and engage in fish business. At a meeting with the women, we discussed songs the fishers sing during their fishing activities. Although rarely these women accompany husbands during fishing, they know a lot about their men’s fishing activities including singing songs. Since many of the songs fishermen sing concern women, we explored their (women) feelings about the songs. The issues discussed included how fishers talk about women, the songs’ language (content-wise), popularity, and the women reaction to such songs. Through the discussions we held with these women, we were able gather multiple songs fishers sing, and the songs’ contents including issues of gender that are associated with fishing process.
Our final data collection strategy involved actual participation in the fishing trips to listen to the songs, observe the contexts in which a certain song emerges and the associated practices. Through this strategy, we documented songs and actions (behaviour and characteristics) accompanying singing. The fishing trips we participated in had between four and six people, lasted for two to six hours, throughout which singing of various songs continued. We did sing together. Likewise, fishers were asked to sing the kind of songs they sing during their fishing activities; several interviewees mentioned similar songs with the same meaning. Our sailing was slow as we kept on inquiring from fishers regarding the nature and meaning of a particular song. In all the trips made, we used Hn1 Handy Recorder to document the songs. We also used pencils and tracing papers to write notes which we later transferred to our field notebooks. Upon returning from the fishing trip, participants rested on the shore, offering us an opportunity to ask additional questions to seek clarification on what transpired during the trip.
Answers for the questions we asked provided an understanding of the differences between fishing songs and other types of traditional music, as well as between newly composed fishing songs and the old ones. Answers from all the collaborators provided an understanding of the elements of fishing songs to comprehend aspects of the anthropology of music and the musicological part. Participating in fishing gave us opportunity of not only recording fishing songs but also to map out the different contexts of songs. It also become apparent why some songs are more popular than others, as their context emerged.
The fishing village of Kilwa Kisiwani and its maritimity
The research we report in this article was conducted at Kilwa Kisiwani (KK) Island, a fishing village in Kilwa district, Lindi region on the southern coast of Tanzania. The Island lies at 8º 96¢S and 39º 5¢E, about 320km south of Dar es Salaam city. Being one of the largest islands in Kilwa bay, KK is separated from the mainland to the north by a deep channel of 1 to 2 km wide (Pollard et al., 2016). In KK island, there are monumental structures which, in 1981, because of their importance together with the nearby Stone Town of Songo Mnara, UNESCO declared them a World Heritage Site (Ichumbaki and Mapunda 2017). The island is rich in both tangible and intangible MCH. The tangible MCH includes ceramics scattered along the shore (Chittick 1974), stone anchors and shipwreck sites (Pollard et al., 2016), and causeways (Pollard 2011). The island has plenty of built heritage and exotic trade goods (Chami 1999; Ichumbaki 2014, 2015, 2016; Ichumbaki and Pollard 2015). There are also ports dating from the medieval period (Pollard and Ichumbaki 2016), fish-landing sites (Pollard, 2008) and various types of traditional boats. On the other hand, marine activities like boat building, navigation and fishing are associated with intangible aspects, such as social practice, oral traditionals expressions and indigenous knowledge and skills.
Fishing is the major economic activity of KK residents as people’s daily lives depend on the sea (Bacuez 2009). Fishing takes place in both deep and shallow water; the inland mangroves provide natural fishing ground even for fishers with no boats. For example, during the low tide on the coral reef, women and children collect shells and sometimes octopus using spears (Bacuez 2009). Fishing in the deep sea is men’s job only, mainly carried out from boats using nets or lines and hooks. They fish either during the day or night when the sea is shwari (calm) and the tide is low. However, this is not always the case as there are times when the sea is turbulent. Those who fish during the night spend the day on other activities, mostly making nets or repairing and preparing fishing equipment for the night shift. Likewise, those who fish during the day spend their evening arranging and repairing fishing equipment for the next day. KK fishers mostly fish in groups but sometimes on their own, depending on the boat carrying capacity. Some fishers sail to fish far from their home, near the mainland or in other fishers’ camp for a couple of months and return home when they have earned ‘enough money.’ Related activities to fishing include building of traditional boats and making fish traps where marine resources are used as raw materials.
The building of fishing vessels is associated with traditional beliefs. During fieldwork in KK, the fishers shared some beliefs, taboos and traditions that accompany the building of fishing vessels and how these vessels are handled. For instance, the fishers believe they are responsible for building their own vessels; they are scared of their boats being witched.[3] Boat builders perform rituals on the newly built boat before it goes on fishing trips. On the first trip, the boat owner attaches a small piece of log (umangu) believed to provide magical protection on both ends of the vessels. A new boat owner says some words to bless the vessel and protect it from enemies. These activities are believed to protect the vessel from wrecking and to bring good luck when fishing. Although all the boats are mended together on shore, it is unacceptable to take someone’s vessel without consent.[4]
In KK, various fish traps are employed depending on the nature of the fishing area, although most fishers prefer to use gillnets, made up of a long sheet of netting, weighted at the bottom and with floats along the top (Pollard 2017). Others are a fish-trap basket (madema) made up of wooden strips bound together to make a hexagon (Pollard 2017). Fish fences (sticks closely tied together sometimes with a net, locally known as wando, Figure 1) are mostly employed on the seaward side of the mangrove trees (Nakamura 2010; Pollard 2017; Shao et al., 2003). Fish fences are used to trap fish when the tide ebbs (Nakamura 2010; Pollard 2017). In a sandy or low tide area, women and children use small-sized fishing nets of mosquito nets-size (tandilo) to catch small fish, shellfish, and sea cucumbers (Pollard 2017). Other fish traps are hand lines (mishipi) and spears ( Nakamura 2010; Shao et al., 2003).
Basketry is another important activity forming part and parcel of maritime life in KK. Both men and women engage in basket work with the aim of making various utensils for use in different places and for different occupations. For instance, women do basket weaving in their spare time, when not engaged in cooking or other household activities (Bacuez 2009). For men, basket vessels are important for their use in their fishing activities. In this regard, men are specialized in plaiting a type of light basket called ‘pakacha’ (made from palm leaves), mainly used for carrying fish (Bacuez 2009). These maritime-based activities are accompanied by the singing of various songs. The types of songs, their meanings and in what contexts they appear is covered in the next section.
The fishing songs of Kilwa Kisiwani
Based on the strategies discussed above, a total of thirty-four (34) songs were recorded and transcribed in Kiswahili and English. The songs were divided into categories depending on theme and each category was analysed together. These themes are: religion and beliefs, women issues, discouraging illegal fishing, and the songs that encourage fishers to work hard. Other categories include songs on maritime knowledge and skills as well as disciplining or shaping people’s behaviour. There are also songs for warning and giving advice and hope after missing a catch. Since the people of KK depend on marine resources for their livelihoods, not surprisingly, nearly all the fishing songs inform about the relationships between people’s day-to-day activities and their interactions with the sea. In most cases, for almost all the songs, the LS is nahodha (captain) sitting at the back of the boat. The nahodha leads many songs since he is considered an experienced fisher with a lot of knowledge of the sea and where to fish. In some instances, for instance when the nahodha is smoking, any crew member who initiates ‘kilongo’ (sounds) can lead a song.
Songs reflecting religion and beliefs
Fishers consider some fishing songs as prayers to God to bless them in various ways. When singing, fishers believe they will be protected from any danger, sail successfully, and have an excellent catch. Songs like Kwanza tuombe Mungu (pray to God first) and Muombe ndiye Ya Rab (worship him for he is God), are among the very first songs fishers sing as they begin sailing towards fishing grounds. While paddling, the song is generally/often initiated by the Lead Singer (LS)[5] sitting in the middle of the boat with the crew at the back and the front. However, this is not always the case since anyone can initiate a song regardless of the sitting position. Singing these songs follow a call and response structure, musically referred to as antiphonal singing.[6] The verses are improvised and repeated many times: the duration of the song may last for 7 to 10 minutes before moving to another song. Fishers sing these songs as they paddle to the fishing grounds. The sounds emerging from the paddling process (friction between the paddle, ropes, and water) act as the beat to the song, whereas the movements of their shoulders and hands while paddling help them to keep time with the song’s rhythm. The language used in the song is Kiswahili characterised by coastal words (i.e., mvuta kasia, the paddler). Melodically, the song is simple and catchy.
Songs encouraging hardworking
Having songs that encourage hardworking is not surprising because, according to KK fishers, fishing needs encouragement, especially when paddling long distances (approximately 1-3 hours). The fishers work in dark, cold conditions, and sometimes experience strong winds and high tides. Sometimes, the absence of wind makes them paddle much longer than normal. They fish for many hours and might get fish only at the end or sometimes return home without a catch. As one of the fishers stated, “if you lack faith and patience, you can never fish.” Four songs were recorded in this category: stamili, kaza kasia, pakulima nchalile and tukalokote mbigili. The song Stamili has one verse with five lines sung in the form of imitation.[7] The word Stamili is a short form of ‘Ustahimilivu’ a Swahili word meaning patience. Fishers sing this song as they go fishing, so regardless of whether they have a catch or not, they remain hopeful.
In singing the first line, Stamili analia (Stamili is crying), the LS shows that someone is crying after failing to get something (in this context, fish). The following lines by the crew members are meant to give hope to this sad person and encourage him not only to work hard but also to have faith. Although the major language in this song is Kiswahili, there also words from the Mwera tribe including ‘Liyaya’, which means hustling without giving up. There are also elements of religious beliefs in the song when the singer sings: Funga imani (have faith), a phrase mostly used by Muslims.
Songs discouraging illegal fishing
Songs such as Akina mama sikia (women listen) and Nauchelenga (I am leaving) serve to raise local people’s awareness about illegal fishing. Dynamite and other illegal fishing techniques such as use of small-sized nets and mideke (sharp objects such as spears) are strictly prohibited for they result in overfishing and disappearance of some fish and other marine species. One of the songs in this category is called Akina mama sikia (women listen). This song has two verses (the first with four and the second with three lines), telling women to stop capturing small fish that are yet to mature. According to KK fishers, this song is unpopular during fishing trips but popular on regular trips to ship people between Kilwa Kiswani and Kilwa Masoko. One collaborator informed us that although many boats are operated using motor-engines, in the past, all the boats used traditional sail, hence, movements between Masoko and Kisiwani depended on winds. That, sometimes, the captain would anchor the boat waiting for the wind to blow in the needed direction. During the waiting time, the crew and passengers used to sing hopeful songs one of which was Akina mama sikia. A message for this song is discouraging women to use tandilo to capture fish on the shore. This made people to get to know various songs and understand their messages. Recently, this song has become unpopular following the introduction of motorboats that are faster and do not depend on the wind; trips between KK and Masoko takes less half an hour.
Songs reflecting maritime knowledge and skills
Coastal people have knowledge and skills to cope with the maritime environment. They can predict what is going to happen in terms of the weather, tidal cycles and even the number of fish through birds sounds and the arrangement of stars and clouds (Morton 2001; Mesaki and Sellah, 2008; Sharda 2019). Knowledge of the sea helps residents to peacefully exploit marine resources. One of the songs revealing the maritime knowledge and skills of KK local people is called Wandu wa Pwani (People of the Coast). This song describes the weather suitable for fishing activities. Fishers sing Wandu wa Pwani when sailing to and from fishing grounds. The song talks of a thunderstorm, famously known locally as ‘kifuku’ and occurring during spring (masika). Kifuku is always accompanied by destructive winds blow called Ndoka (coming from the east). Major thunderstorms during the spring are followed by strong winds that do not support fishing activities in the next day. Through Wandu wa Pwani song, fishers in KK warn each other especially the junior fishers not to go fishing for the next day to two.
Much weather forecasting is still done by monitoring the behaviour of birds seen in different seasons, and the arrangement of stars and clouds. The existence and sharing of this knowledge is through the saying: Nahodha mtweka chombo si mjinga wa bahari, hata usiku wa manane atagundua bandari (the boat captain is not ignorant of the sea; even at late night, he will always know where the harbour is). Through this saying, KK people show that they appreciate the captain's knowledge of the sea acquired through apprenticeship. Indeed, this knowledge resides in the fishers’ heads, and they keep reminding themselves through singing. The role of apprenticeship is clear in some of the Wandu wa Pwani song lines such as: Babu amesema wanembwa, Mkisikia mshindo wa pwani msiende kuvua (our elder says when we hear thunderstorms, we shouldn’t go fishing). The song gives unexperienced fishers the maritime knowledge elders possess.[8] The song’s bridge leads to the second chorus accompanied by hypes (back-ups) when the LS informs about another destructive winds known as matilai. With improvisations, hypes and shouts, the LS can prolong this song for up to fifteen minutes before introducing another song.
Songs shaping behaviour to warn, inform and give advice
During the fieldwork in KK, we recorded songs with messages to discourage alcoholism, laziness, early marriage, and prostitution. The message is expressed in figurative language to hide the real meaning from unintended audiences. One of the songs is Ndimu yangu changa, a Swahili phrase meaning my lemon is unripe. According to our local collaborators in KK, the ‘unripe lemon’ stands for young girls old men want to have sex with. The song has one verse with three lines and a hype section that acts as a bridge. It is short with a simple and catchy melody and lasts for about six minutes after several repetitions. As a fisher revealed, the song aims to warn men against marrying young girls. Thus, Ndimu yanngu changa is part of the campaign to end young marriage behaviour.
The message of the song is delivered through figurative language represented by words such as ndimu (lemon) changa (unripe), kata (slice) and haina maji (lacks juice). As the LS improvises, he can replace the unripe lemon with any other unripe fruits such as unripe mango, unripe orange, and others. Sometimes, the LS may add a prefix to further qualify the fruit. For example, instead of ndimu (lemon) he says ki-ndimu (a small lemon). Notably, responses of the crew remain the same throughout the song: haina maji ndani joya (it is unripe with no juice). As they return to the shore, fishers sing this song more joyfully, especially when they have a good catch, which means a good income for that day. A similar theme is expressed in the song Sijala tondo (I haven’t eaten the shellfish) whose message also prohibits older men from dating younger girls. Another song in this category of warning and encouraging good behaviour is Ukienda Salaam (Pass on our greetings) and it condemns fishers who misuse their money on alcohol and women while forgetting their families.
During fishing activities, fishers sing songs to inform about the dangers they are likely to encounter while fishing. The aim of these songs is to warn, inform and give advice so that fishers are more careful as they continue with their fishing activities. One such song is Ukienda Pwani niambie (Inform me when you go fishing). This song has one verse and a bridge (hype section). The song has two meanings. First, it warns junior fishers not to go fishing on their own as they are likely to encounter dangerous marine species such as stone fish. Thus, they are advised to go fishing in groups or with experienced fishers who can help them when a problem arises. Second, the song discourages cheating in relationships. The song's lyric is as follows: Ukienda Pwani niambie (inform me when you want to go fishing); Usijechomwa na kikoa (So as a stone fish doesn’t harm you). The song urges fishers not to date fellow fishers’ husbands/wives, and to be careful when off for fishing. According to Mzee Sharrif, a retired fisher (70 years old), some fishers date their shipmates’ wives thinking they will not be recognized. The song encourages fishers to discriminate fishers who date their fellows’ wives/husbands as a lesson to make them behave. Mzee Sharifu said, ‘if a cheating fisher accompanies other fishers some of whom their partners were involved, there is a danger of fighting and causing accidents while in the sea. The message to emphasize this caution is in the bridge: Ng’amua wee, wenzenu wameng’amua (watch out, your fellows already know your behaviour).
Another warning song is Ukiona uzuri kulelesela hukawii kupotea (beauty does not last longer). This song consists of only one line that combines Swahili and Mwera (the language of one ethnic group in Lindi region). According to the fishers in KK, this song is popular when the sea is calm, with no winds that cause big waves making it difficult to sail. With this song, the fishers remind each other to remain active as the situation could change any time.
Songs on catching fish
Fishers also sing songs to reflect their mood on the result of a good or bad catch. One song reflecting these scenarios is Kolekole (Trevally fish). Fishers sing this song as they lay down their fishing nets or when they have done so and are now ready to collect the kolekole. The fishers in KK usually know where to catch the trevally, but do not lay down their nets until they are sure that the fish are there during that particular day. However, seeing these fish around while laying down their nets does not mean they will catch them. Therefore, through this song, fishers complain how hard it is to catch trevally. As they wait to see whether the fish will enter the nets, fishers paddle around while singing this song. They continue moving around the fishing ground and may continue singing this song and others for fifteen minutes to one hour before collecting their fishing nets to remove the fish if successful.
Songs concerning women
Fishers in KK usually sail in groups, and among the songs they sing are those concerning women. Common issues in these songs include women behaviours, disciplines, sexual ability, etc. These songs normally use figurative language, whereby women are represented by the fishing environment, fish names and fishing vessels to hide real meaning from children and young fishers. KK fishermen believe women are unaware of these songs but our interactions with women revealed otherwise; they also discuss these songs while fishing crabs, seashells, cucumbers, and whelks, as well as when frying and trading fish. During our interviews and a meeting held with women, they listed songs and specific lines whose actual meaning(s) are about them (women). Among the thirty-four (34) songs collected, ten (10) talked about women, but did not directly reveal the message they wanted to communicate. During our interviews and a meeting, the women felt ashamed and could not explain plainly the meaning of the songs; they kept on laughing and looking at each other when we inquired from them. However, during the second fieldwork phase, when we joined fishing expedition, we became aware of these songs’ meanings and we present some in the next paragraphs.
Halima meno (Halima has biting teeth)
Halima meno song has two verses each containing four lines. The song is about a woman presented as Halima and is one of the most popular fishing songs in KK. Mzee Omary Abdallah (71), a retired fisherman, informed us that Halima represents a married woman who talks a lot and complains about everything such that her husband wants a divorce. Because Halima shouts a lot, her husband no longer has feelings for her; he wants to marry another woman who will listen and comply accordingly. The desire to divorce Halima and marry another woman is reflected in verse two, where the LS and crew sings: Wanawake wema [wapo] Chole (Wives who behave are in Chole); Na Somonilo we usiendekeze moyo (others are in Somanilo but those from here [KK] are disastrous). From these lines, Halima’s husband is advised to go to either Chole (on Mafia Island) or Somanilo (in Pande, Lindi region) where he will be able to get a behaving wife. Stressing the song’s message, Mzee Omary describes Halima-type women as troublesome, disrespectful, and careless for they regularly shout at their husbands.[9]
In another context, Halima is described as an unfaithful wife, a message reflected in the use of the word kijakazi. So, Halima is no longer treated as a wife but as a domestic servant. Generally, Halima is regarded as a prostitute. Surprisingly, she is described as a good performer (sexually), a reason she is qualified as meno (teeth); many fishermen want to have sex with her. Those who succeed dating Halima, spend all their money on her and abandon their families. Some informants mentioned that the song is popular enough to be sung at village celebrations such as marriage and initiation ceremonies. For example, one of the interviewees, namely Bi. Zubeda Mziwanda (aged 80), said that the Halima meno song forms part of the traditional dance called Manganja.[10] Indeed, the popularity of this song is beyond fishing trips; it does not only present the behaviour of Halima and her partners, rather, it a real picture of fishermen's sexual lives.
Another song informing about fishers’ sexual lives is called Raha ya mke (The joy of a wife). The song cautions young fishermen planning to get married that the beauty of a woman is good behaviour and not her looks. This is evident in the line ‘raha ya mke si sura, raha ni maelewano’ (it is not her face that makes woman a good wife, but her behaviour). Another popular song under this category is Bunju (Lumpfish) comparing women’s unpredictable behaviours with the lumpfish which can change from being a meal to poison and vice versa. Sometimes, the song symbolises a big, bodied woman (similar to a fat oily lumpfish) men struggle to have sex with.[11] A related song that describes women behaviour Mke wangu mimi Malaya (My wife is a prostitute). The song concerns a man complaining about his unfaithful wife and asks for advice from his friends. The friends recommend divorcing her.
It came to our attention that nearly all the songs fishers sing reflect the real fishing community lives including marriage problems and love affairs. Through these songs, men share their family concerns and seek advice from their companions.
[1] Kisima (Visima in plural) is a Swahili word which mean an underground freshwater well. The Kisima project in Kilwa investigated the roles of underground freshwater wells in the growth of Kilwa Kisiwani port during the 11th to 18th century. The project is directed by Drs. E. Ichumbaki (University of Dar es Salaam), Edward Pollard (Ireland’s Discovery Programme) and Jean-Christopher Comte (University of Aberdeen).
[2] WAUMAKI, this is a women association aimed at empowering KK women by providing them with financial and educational support for various economic projects i.e., selling food
[3] A comment made by Hassan Bwanga (30) during the interview conducted on 16/9/2019 at the shore of KK.
[4] A comment made by Hassan Bwanga (30) during interview conducted at KK shore on 16/09/2019.
[5] In singing fishing songs, the lead singer is anyone who begins to sing and take control of the performance.
[6] Antiphonal singing (Call and response); the lead singer starts singing and others follow by responding to the chorus or short refrains. For instance: ‘Mvuta kasia kasema leo’ and others respond ‘kwanza tuombe Mungu.’
[7] Imitation is when the lead singer starts by singing the whole melodic line and other singers respond by singing the whole part in the same way as the leader.
[8] A comment by Ahmad Omary Mawe also known as Bangwe (41) during the interview conducted on 31/0 3/2020 at his home.
[9] A comment by Mzee Omary Abdallah (71) during the interview conducted on 02/04/2020.
[10] Manganja also known as Msanja, was a KK traditional ngoma (dance) that used to be popular during the 1960’s -1970’s and was common in ceremonies, particularly at marriage parties happening at night.
[11] A comment from Mzee Mohamed Sharifu (70) during the interview conducted on 29/03/2020.