Occupational Exposure to Air Pollution in Africa: Boda Boda Riders in Kampala

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-1953022/v1

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Occupational Exposure to Air Pollution in Africa: Boda Boda Riders in Kampala

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-1953022/v1

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The importance of the commercial motorcycle for public transport in many African cities is increasingly recognised. However, rapid urbanisation and urban economic growth also increases the demand for motorised transport, resulting in increased congestion, road traffic accidents and air pollution. While exposure to air pollution is a well-established risk factor for respiratory illnesses, there has been very little study of occupational exposure to transport-related air pollution in African cities. This research contributes to that gap, studying the exposure and impact of air pollution on Kampala’s boda boda riders (commercial motorcycle riders). The study uses low-cost mobile pollution monitors fixed to a commercial motorcycle to demonstrate the vulnerability of riders exposed to high levels of air pollution throughout much of the working day. The study indicates how low-cost monitoring can help boda boda riders understand and to minise their exposure to air pollution, and support urban policy that reduces air pollution while also recognising the importance of Kampala’s boda boda for both urban transport and livelihoods.

Occupational exposure to air pollution

boda boda transport

commercial motorcycles

transport in African cities

Black smoke billowing from the exhaust of older buses and trucks is a familiar sight in many cities of the global south. Urban populations in Africa suffer air pollution from a wide range of sources, notably poorly controlled factory emissions, dust from construction and unsurfaced roads, and traffic exhaust. Traffic conditions and fuel composition vary between countries and cities, but in many southern cities unsurfaced roads and the high proportion of diesel vehicles creates vulnerabilities for those regularly exposed to high levels of traffic-related pollution. Yet studies on the health impacts of traffic-related air pollution in Africa have, until recently, been limited.

Occupational exposure to air pollution has received relatively little attention, despite a growing body of evidence regarding the health impacts of air pollution (Fang et al., 2010). In labour-intensive African economies many people – bus or truck drivers, lorry park attendants, traffic police, street vendors or commercial motorcycle riders – are exposed to traffic-related pollution for much of their working day (Rotko et al., 2000). Findings from systematic reviews suggest that occupational exposure is very different to ambient exposure due to the composition of air pollution (including particle emissions and nitrogen dioxide), and the frequency, duration, and intensity of exposure (Fang et al., 2010), but the health impacts remain under-researched. A key problem is that air pollution is rarely a political priority for African city governments facing the twin challenges of rapid urbanisation and weak enforcement of environmental legislation.

This paper contributes to addressing that gap, focussing on the occupational exposure to air pollution of boda boda riders in Kampala – commercial motorcycle riders who provide a significant proportion of the city’s public transport. The research reported here is part of a wider study looking at (details omitted during the paper review process), whose multi-disciplinary approach brought together pollution chemists, health experts, and urbanists from four countries. The paper has four main sections. The literature review looks at motorcycle transport in developing countries, occupational exposure for motorcycle riders, and policy interventions. The methods section describes the innovative combination of pollution monitoring and perceptual studies employed in the research. The findings compare the perceived and actual impacts of pollution on boda boda riders. The conclusion draws together these findings and discusses possibilities for future action.

There is limited literature which directly explores occupational exposure to air pollution of commercial motorcycle riders in Africa, and though the role of commercial motor cycle services in fast-growing cities has received some attention this has generally not been linked to medical research. This review brings together these disparate bodies of knowledge to provide a framework for the fieldwork.

Motorcycles in developing countries

The importance of the motorcycle for both public and individual transport in many African cities is increasingly recognised. Rapid urbanisation and urban economic growth increases the demand for motorised transport, resulting in increased congestion, road traffic accidents and air pollution (Rajé et al., 2018). In parallel, the lack of mass transit has led to the growth of non-conventional public transport provided by minibuses and shared taxis, and more recently commercial motorcycles (Kumar, 2011; Olvera et al., 2012). In Africa, unlike south East Asia, the use of motorcycles for personal transport is relatively low, but they are increasingly becoming a means of commercial transport, widely used by low-income urban dwellers faced with inadequate public transport, traffic congestion and poor road conditions, particularly in peri-urban areas and unplanned settlements.

Motorcycle transport is one of the most dangerous forms of motorised transport, and motorcycle riders represent a vulnerable group of road users (Rajé et al., 2018). A study in 2007 found that the African region remains the least motorised in the world but with high rates of traffic fatalities, with estimated road traffic deaths of 26.6 per 100,000 population compared to a global rate of 17.4, with six countries responsible for 64% of deaths: Congo (DRC), Ethiopia, Kenya, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda: in Uganda, 30% of death were attributable to those riding of 2 or 3-wheeler motorized vehicles (WHO, 2015). Most of the people killed on roads are young adults, and accidents have a significant impact on GDP. The study found that most countries have laws requiring motorcycle helmet use, but enforcement is poor.

The African Region has the highest estimated road traffic death rates of 26.6 per 100 000 population, relative to a global rate of 17.4. However, the region is the least motorized, with 46.6 vehicles per 1000 people – relative to 510.3 vehicles per 1000 people in European region. In terms of absolute numbers of deaths and vehicles,

Commercial motorcycle services respond to demand factors, providing time savings and manoeuvrability on heavily congested roads and a door-to-door service, and to supply factors of employment generation and road space limitations (Dinye, 2013; Olvera et al., 2012). Motorcycles are important for livelihoods offering employment in ‘riding’ (running a commercial motorcycle taxi service), repairs or spare parts dealing, and provide potential government revenues from taxation, licensing and levies (Dinye, 2013). They also provide a flexible and rapidly-evolving service, and increasingly, motorcycle taxis are using ride-hailing ‘apps’ linked to large national and multinational companies to provide on-demand services.

However, there are many challenges associated with commercial motorcycle transport, including riders’ lack of knowledge of traffic rules, road traffic accidents, emissions and noise pollution, non-compliance with road traffic regulations (e.g. use of helmets) and increased crime potential (Dinye, 2013, Lawin et al. 2016). As Kumar (2011) noted, urban transport services have the characteristics of a public good, but provide considerable opportunities for private rent-seeking particularly over the rights to operate a service in a particular locality. Many transport operators are unionised, forming powerful political lobbies which often prohibit non-members from operating, and efforts to regulate services have sometimes compounded problems through policies that enhance opportunities for rent-seeking.

In some cities, the rise in commercial motorcycle transport can be traced to the collapse in conventional bus service monopolies. For example, in Kampala bus services used to be operated by the Uganda Transport Company (UTC) and People’s Transport Company (PTC), nationalised in 1972, but fixed fares did not cover operating costs, and they collapsed in the mid-1990s (Kumar, 2011). In response, the number of commercial motorcycles increased from about 5,000 in 1995 to 40,000 in 2007, and by 2008 motorcycle taxis constituted about 20-40% of vehicles on key main routes, with similar proportions of buses, but the increase resulted in politicisation of transport services (Kumar, 2011: 10).

The common practice of using imported motorcycles remains a problem because of lack of regulation. Liberalisation has resulted in the widespread import of low-cost new vehicles to Uganda from East Asia, and latterly Kenya where several companies are now manufacturing motorcycles. There are also reported increases in smuggled vehicles in areas near the Congo border (Kumar, 2011). In 2005, a presidential directive exempted motorcycles from local government tax in order to address mass unemployment of young people, in line with the central government’s 2005 Prosperity for All programme.

It is clear that addressing problems caused by the increase in commercial motorcycle services – congestion, road traffic accidents, emissions and air pollution or crime – are complex and politically sensitive, and must be addressed in partnership between city governments, transport regulators and riders, and based on an understanding of the role of commercial motorcycle services in the wider transport network and urban economy.

Traffic-related emissions and human health

A critical problem in traffic pollution research in the global south includes the lack of focus and data on ambient air pollution. Many countries lack vehicle emission monitoring, and where standards exist they are not stringent enough to result in significant improvement in air quality. Yet, vehicular emissions contribute more than 30% of the ambient particulate matter in urban centres (Loomis et al., 2013) and can be up to 70% of the total pollution mix in Asia and Africa due to the use of old, inefficient diesel vehicles and a lack of effective public transport (WHO, 2018). Thus, people whose occupation exposes them to long hours next to major transport corridors and bus stations are at particular risk of lung cancer and other respiratory ailments, for example: street vendors, commercial drivers, delivery workers, traffic police, and road repair workers among others.

In fast-growing cities, several factors exacerbate traffic-related air pollution. These include:

The prevalence of two-stroke motorcycle engines, which burn an oil-gasoline mixture and emit substantially more air pollutants compared to gas-only four-stroke engines (Potera, 2004). A study from Bangkok found that two-stroke motorcycle emitted on average 1.5 times more carbon monoxide that four-stroke motorcycles, and up to 5 times more hydrocarbons (Leong et al., 2001 in Han and Naeher, 2006).
The import of used vehicles, often poorly maintained, resulting in some lower-income importing countries becoming ‘scrap yards for old vehicles from advanced economies’ (Roychowdhury, 2018: 7).
The problem of dust from unmade roads and construction, especially in countries with a long dry season. A study of 14 African cities found that, on average, only a third of the roads were paved, and that paved road density is typically around 300 metres per thousand inhabitants, compared to around 1,000 metres per thousand inhabitants in developing cities worldwide; (Kumar and Barrett, 2008: 23).

Differences in methods for measuring air pollution, for example between fixed-site monitoring, mobile monitoring or personal exposure assessment, make direct comparisons across cities and countries difficult. Despite increasing awareness amongst regulators of the health burden of traffic-related emissions and introduction of relevant regulations, many governments lack the technical capacity to monitor air pollution or to enforce regulations, particularly where these are politically sensitive.

For urban populations, emissions from old vehicles are among the key sources of toxic air exposure, as most importing countries do not have clean fuels or robust vehicle-inspection systems (Roychowdhury, 2018: 8). It is increasingly difficult for importing countries to compare emission standards from different exporting countries, while consumer demand in importing countries makes the outright ban of cheaper, older vehicles politically difficult. Most importing countries have not evaluated the problem of disposal of end-of-life vehicles which they import (Roychowdhury, 2018: 10). In Uganda in 1991, the government relaxed restrictions on the import of vehicles more than five years old, which led to the increase of imported vehicles in poor condition. More recently, key informants noted that Uganda has introduced fuel with lower (50ppm) sulphur content, and banned the import of vehicles more than 15 years old with a phased reduction to 8 years, but the proportion of older vehicles on the roads remains high.

Occupational exposure to air pollution

Exposure to air pollution is a well-established risk factor for several respiratory illnesses, including airways diseases and lung cancer (Ezzati and Kammen, 2001; Lelieveld et al., 2015). The level of exposure is generally defined by the frequency of exposure, the concentrations of pollutants and the proximity of the subjects to sources of air pollution (Kennedy et al. 2000). To better understand the exposure of vulnerable populations to air pollution, it is therefore important to identify the micro-environments in which people spend significant amounts of time (Ngo et al., 2015).

Air quality in the cities of low and middle income countries is disproportionately affected by transport-related pollution, particularly transport-related particulate matter (Ngo et al., 2015). Several studies have indicated that exposure even to moderate concentrations of particulate matter is a major driver of mortality and morbidity, and particulate matter is classified as a Group 1 carcinogen for the lungs (Loomis et al., 2013). In many countries in the global south, exposure to air pollution is still widespread (Ngo et al., 2015), mainly due to limited air pollution control regulations and poor regulatory enforcement.

Occupational exposure to air pollution is of particular concern where workers spend long periods close to emission sources, especially where air pollution regulations are not effectively implemented (Ngo et al., 2015; Fang et al., 2010). A systematic review of studies looking at occupational exposure of commercial bus drivers and motorcyclists to ambient air pollution found a significant difference in white blood cells amongst commercial motorcyclists, and an increased risk of lung cancer and Hodgkin’s lymphoma amongst bus drivers, but found that the existing literature is limited (Lawin et al., 2018). In one of the few African studies, Ngo et al. (2015) examined occupational exposure to roadside emissions in Nairobi, and found that bus drivers had significant exposure to black carbon (a component of PM_2.5) probably from vehicle smoke due to poor engine maintenance.

Boda boda riders are both contributors to, and victims of, air pollution. In some cases, they can be a major driver of air pollution in an urban centre, especially when two-stroke engines are common. Many boda boda riders spend most of their time in heavily trafficked areas, especially at stops or on major highways where vehicle emissions are high, potentially making them vulnerable to respiratory diseases and lung cancer (Gaita et al., 2014; Lewné, 2007).

Occupational exposure to air pollution is compounded amongst susceptible populations. Susceptibility to air pollution is defined as “individual- and population-level characteristics that increase the risk of PM-related health effects in a population” – the definition distinguishes susceptibility from vulnerability which draws on external factors, although the two terms are often used interchangeably (Kelly and Fussel, 2015). Components of susceptibility include primary factors such as age, genetics, gender and underlying diseases (e.g. heart disease and diabetes), and secondary factors such as income and socio-economic attributes, alcohol use and geographical location (Sacks et al., 2011), which interact in complex ways. Even short-term exposure may result in irreversible impacts for susceptible populations depending on the level of exposure and severity of predisposing factors (Pope, 2000). Research has shown that understanding underlying conditions is important for assessing susceptibility, but this needs to be combined with measures to reduce air pollution (Giles et al., 2011).

Thus, boda boda riders in Kampala who are already susceptible may be more affected by air pollution compared to those who have no compounding factors (Schwander et al., 2014; Kelly and Fussel, 2015). Exhaust gases make up a large proportion of PM emissions for people working or living along the roadways (Kiggundu, 2015) and in Uganda, the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) estimates that 75% of air pollution in Kampala is attributable to the transport sector.

Policies to reduce traffic pollution

In countries in the global south, an integrated approach to reducing air pollution is not common and so the focus of regulation is often on sectors such as transport (Hunt, 2011: 10). For example, Anas et al. (2009 in Hunt, 2011) looked at policies in Beijing aimed at reducing traffic congestion and CO₂ emissions, finding that a congestion toll was more efficient than a fuel tax in reducing fuel consumption and emissions, benefitting both wealthier car owners and poorer road users exposed to pollution. A study of Mexico City concluded that the annual benefits of a 10-20% reduction in PM₁₀ and ozone emissions would be USD 760m - 1.49bn (Cesar et al. 2000 in Hunt, 2011).

Several studies emphasise the importance of participation in mobilising individual action to combat air pollution. For example, Ngo et al. (2017) in their pilot study on health risk perceptions of air pollution in Mathare, an informal settlement in Nairobi, involved residents in measuring PM_2.5levels. Previously residents associated air pollution with a bad smell or discomfort, and had not understood its health impacts, but after the pilot they requested more information about air pollution and its hazards, and some found ways to mitigate its impacts. This finding is important for improving conditions for boda boda riders. WHO (2018) argues that most sources of outdoor air pollution are beyond the control of individuals, demanding concerted action by local, national and regional policy-makers across sectors including transport, urban planning, and energy, but it is argued here that it is the dynamics between bottom-up advocacy and action and top-down policy implementation which can lead to most effective change.

Others have emphasised the importance of local governments in managing air pollution. Based on a systematic literature review of pollution-reduction policies in larger cities, Slovic et al. (2016) grouped policies into those which are: regulatory, economic and others, with sub-categories relating to: circulation restrictions, alternative initiatives (e.g. improving public transport), and technology/fuels initiatives. The range of measure identified included: mode-shifting (e.g. promoting public transport and bike lanes); improving road conditions; lowering emissions through standards and vehicle inspections, and land use strategies to limit urban sprawl. They concluded that that local air pollution policies are both beneficial for cities and important in adapting to climate change (Slovic et al., 2016).

Technology can also be harnessed to help reduce motorcycle emissions, particularly in Asia and Africa where regulatory capacity may be limited, and two-stroke motorcycles are the norm. A commentary in The Lancet (2017) suggested that the potential health effects of using e-scooters (electric motorcycles) are substantial. For example, Hanoi in Vietnam has experienced 15% annual increases (period not given) in motorcycle numbers, with traffic emissions accounting for about 70% of total air pollution and a high prevalence of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). The response was the Vietnam Integrated Action Plan to Reduce Vehicle Emission with recommendations on vehicle standards, inspection and maintenance; transport planning; fuels and advocacy (ADB, 2002). In Kampala, Kirenga et al. (2005) argued that the replacement of two-stroke scooters with e-scooters would greatly reduce air pollution. However, e-scooters also have drawbacks, as they require regular supplies of grid electricity for recharging, and the non-exhaust components of emissions from brake and tyre wear and dust from unsurfaced roads are not addressed.

Framing the research

For this research several factors were key: the importance of boda boda both in the public transport system in Kampala and as a livelihood strategy; the amount and type of air pollution to which riders’ are exposed; their perceived health impacts, and extent to which individual initiatives by boda boda riders can contribute in partnership with regulators to an integrated approach to the reduction of transport-related air pollution reduction.

Five data collection methods were used for the study in Kampala: a literature review; a survey of 20 boda-boda riders in two central locations; two 1-day emission-exposure surveys for boda boda riders working different areas of the city, a focus group, and 20 key informant interviews with government, Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) and other agencies, consultants, academics and representatives of boda-boda riders. While samples were relatively small, the study was designed to demonstrate both the scale of the problem, and the potential of relatively inexpensive methods for monitoring air pollution impacts on boda boda riders.

The emission-exposure surveys monitored PM air pollution using a low-cost mobile pollution monitor fixed to a motorcycle of a boda boda rider. The monitor was fixed to the front of the motorcycle to represent, as much as possible, the rider’s exposure to pollution over two days. Measurements were taken for two week days in Kampala city area. Measurements were collected using calibrated Alphasense optical particle counters (OPC-N2) which recorded PM_2.5and PM₁₀ at ten-second intervals, aggregated to one-hour time steps (Crilley et al., 2020; Pope et al. 2018).

The survey of 20 boda boda riders was undertaken at ‘stages’ (informal boda boda stopping points) in two locations near to, but not within the city centre. The survey covered: interviewee characteristics and health; the household; occupation (including boda boda riding and other work); ownership of vehicle; operations; perceptions of and response to air pollution at work, and perceived individual and collective agency in addressing air pollution.

Kampala - context

Kampala is one of the fastest-growing cities in Africa owing to rapid population growth, rural-urban migration and the associated urbanisation. Air pollution data is limited, but is increasingly exceeding international safety standards, and public debate on air pollution is reflected in a number of recent media reports. Recent work by Singh et al. (2020) suggests that PM air pollution has inceased by 23% in the decade from 2008.

According to the National Housing and Population census data, Kampala City is the most populous urban centre in Uganda with approximately 1.6 million people at mid-year 2018 (UBOS, 2017; 2018: 159) with an estimated annual growth rate of around 2% (UBOS, 2018: 159). Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area (GKMA) includes Kampala City and its surrounds with an estimated population of around 4 million. Rapid population growth has resulted in an increased demand for employment, housing land, social services and infrastructure and has stimulated the development of unplanned informal settlements and increasing rates of informal work.

A World Bank study in 2017 found that the GKMA includes about 10% of the country’s 3.9 million population and produces a third of its Gross Domestic product. The report also found that 60% of the GKMA population lives in informal settlements, 57% of businesses in GKMA are informal, most of which employ less than five people, and that a key issue inhibiting Kampala’s economic growth is road congestion, exacerbated by a rapid increase in vehicle numbers, and lack of a systematic and reliable public transport, with a lack of coordination of ‘taxis’ (14-seater mini-bus) routes and stops (WB, 2017: 20). To support economic growth, the study recommended that local governments should protect the livelihoods of informal sector workers and help increase their incomes by working with their representatives to support livelihoods and promote economic development.

Kampala’s transport system has a number of structural problems. The city’s central area is built on several hills with the main roads running through the valleys, which makes cross-movements difficult. Furthermore, responsibility for urban transport coordination is split between government agencies. Two commercial bus operators collapsed in the 1990s, and since then Kampala’s main intercity transport has been provided by 14-seater minibuses, known as ‘taxis’ and the boda boda, which both operate with a considerable degree of informality. Boda boda services are controlled by various powerful unions which have proved difficult to monitor and regulate (Spooner and Mwanika, 2018), and the high rate of accidents involving commercial motorcycles is seen as being caused by competition for passengers, ignoring road safety rules, inadequate use of helmets and age of the boda rider (KCCA, 2021; Siya et al., 2019).

The deteriorating air quality in Kampala has been attributed to the increasing number of vehicles and boda boda in the city (Vermeiren et al., 2012). A pilot study (Kirenga et al., 2015) conducted in Kampala and Jinja over three weeks in June and July 2014 – the dry season – found average PM_2.5 levels across all monitoring sites of 5.3 times above the defined WHO limit. The main contributors to particulate air pollution were wind-blown dust and soil from unpaved roads in both commercial and residential areas, black smoke exhaust from cars, trucks and buses, and smoke from burning household rubbish. Concentrations of NO₂, SO₂, and O₃ in Kampala and Jinja were below WHO guidelines (Kirenga et al., 2015), but the study did not have scope to analyse temporal variations across the sites.

Air quality data on exposure levels for boda boda riders and other occupational groups in Kampala is scarce. Research studies (Hooper and Kaufman, 2017) point to increased risk of cardio-pulmonary illnesses for individuals in this type of occupation even though there is inadequate data to draw this conclusion for Kampala’s boda boda riders. However, there is evidence of overall deterioration of air quality in the past few years with an increasing level of awareness and public debate on air quality in Kampala (Singh et al., 2020; Lanyero, 2011). In a study in Kampala’s northern district of Kawempe where particulate matter was measured, Schwander et al. (2014) found that current PM_2.5levels were four times higher than the WHO guidelines.

Urban populations in Uganda are experiencing high levels of chronic respiratory disease. Air pollution is considered one of the highest factors driving death and disability in Uganda, including both indoor and outdoor air pollution as risk factors (IHME, 2022). A recent study for the WHO compared variations the prevalence of chronic respiratory disease, based on 25 enumeration areas in urban and rural areas, and a random sample of 1,000 adults in each location (Siddhartan, 2019). The study found that one in five adults in the study had a chronic respiratory condition, and that place of residence was the single most important factor in the population-attributable risk. The published results did not consider occupation as a risk factor, but it is clear that the background exposure to air pollution of city-dwellers in Kampala is high.

Kampala’s boda bodas

Boda boda are now a significant component of transport in Kampala and nationally. However, estimates of the number of boda boda operating in Kampala vary widely, both the numbers of vehicles and passenger usage. As many boda boda are not licensed as commercial taxis, and some riders do not have driving licenses, estimating the scale of operations and vulnerability is difficult.

Academic research suggested that the industry employs 250,000 young people in Kampala and is a source of livelihood for 500,000 people (Odwokacen, 2015). A more recent UN study in 2018 found that in Kampala by 2014 there were about 405,124 motorcycles, increasing from 15,979 motorcycles in 2007, a 58.7% annual growth rate (UNECA & UNECE, 2018: 31). Factors favouring the increase of boda bodas include poor public transport, liberalisation, availability of cheap new and used motorcycles from Asia, poor road quality, and the waiving of a government tax on motorcycles. The rapid increase was also a consequence of government policy which introduced credit schemes to allow riders to purchase their own motorcycles (Goodfellow, 2017). There are no estimates of related employment in maintenance, spare parts supplies etc. Nevertheless, the importance of boda boda riding as a main source of employment, particularly for young men supporting dependents, is clear.

Many boda boda riders operate from a ‘stage’. Stages are small informal parking lots of around 5-20 riders, often under a tree for shade. Members of a stage select a chairman from their group. There is also an overall chairman for the district, who advocates for the stages. As reported by a stage chairman, membership of a stage is decided by members, and they will recruit from their contacts when there is a gap. The stage gives riders some protection, for example members carry a card with the phone number of the chairman in case of traffic accidents. Riders from a stage often return to the stage after a ride, and have regular customers, making it important to ensure good conduct to maintain the reputation of the stage. The boda boda riders who are not associated with a stage have nowhere to stop and are comparatively vulnerable. Interviews suggested that gaining membership of a stage is difficult.

It is estimated that there are around 57 boda boda associations across the five divisions of KCCA – Kampala Central, Nakawa, Kawempe, Makindye, and Rubaga – but these are not registered. Associations have resisted registration of boda bodas for fear of losing their own revenue (Odwokacen, 2015). Associations advocate for boda boda riders and encourage operational discipline, but are also highly political. TAPSCOM (the Taxi Parks / Stages Coordination Committee) introduced in 2013 as a negotiating platform between taxi drivers, riders and KCCA (Odwokacen, 2015) collapsed, as did Boda Boda 2010 after seven years (Daily Monitor, 2018). A KCCA initiative in 2013 sought to register all public service boda bodas and other motorcycles. The aim was to set up a boda boda coordination office, to gazette boda boda stages and build shelters there, and set up a rider code of conduct, but the registration met extensive opposition and strikes by boda boda riders, who objective to the proposed increase in fees to KCCA (New Vision, 2012). A new attempt to register Kampala’s boda bodas was initiated in February 2022 (Kampalaguardian, 2022) but is not yet fully operational. Two organisations are now offering ride-sharing mobile phone ‘apps’, which illustrates the flexibility of service provision and potential for growth.

The reality is that boda boda riders form an important voting bloc. Uganda’s decentralisation policies have attempted to localise service provision, but this creates opportunities for national partisan struggles to influence local affairs (Lambright, 2014). Research has identified instances in which officials from the NRM (National Resistance Movement) ruling party intervened in the former KCC (Kampala City Council) affairs, for example stopping KCC from levying a USH10,000 a month tax on boda boda, seen by some as a move to maintain political support (Lambright, 2014, Goodfellow and Titeca, 2012). Few boda boda riders are registered with the Transport Licensing Board, and some do not have a driving license (Goodfellow, 2016). The 2013 initiative by KCCA sought to regulate the sector, but failed because of opposition from rider associations. However, support at the highest level continues to undermine attempts at regulation (Lambright, 2004) and it remains to be seen how successful the latest initiative will be.

Data Analysis

Riding a boda boda is generally a young man’s profession. The majority of the 20 boda boda riders in the survey were less than 44 years of age (Figure 1). Riders are almost exclusively men although there are reportedly a small number of women riders, but none in our survey. It is common for the eldest son in a family to be a boda boda rider, and family land is sometimes sold to buy a motorcycle. Many riders are comparatively well educated, with 18 of the 20 interviewees having completed at least primary education and 3 having some tertiary education. An interview with a stage chairman suggested that dependency ratios are high – he was supporting his own 5 children and 7 nieces and nephews, and sending money to his family in Jinja – which was common amongst members of his stage.

Boda boda riding is often the main occupation for riders, as found with 9 of the 20 riders interviewed. Some combined boda boda riding with other work, for example farming, suggesting circular migration to Kampala during the slack farming season (Figure 2). Other jobs reported by riders included: a barber, student, nail technician, teacher, mechanic dancer and footballer. Most boda boda riders interviewed had not operated for long, and 11 of the 20 responses to this question had been riding for 4 years or less. This was confirmed by the interview with a stage chairman, who said that of the 20 riders in his stage, most had been riding for 2-5 years, and only one for 10 years, suggesting that this is an important source of livelihood for younger workers.

Most of the riders interviewed (15 of 20 interviewees) owned their own motorcycle, and 11 of the 20 interviewees had bought the motorcycle on credit, borrowing from a wide variety of lenders, suggesting a relatively high level of indebtedness and need to ride the vehicle for long hours to ensure debt repayment. While the majority of riders maintained their own vehicles some did not, suggesting that maintenance was seen as the responsibility of owners.

The results of the emission-exposure surveys using monitors fixed to a boda boda rider’s motorcycle show the routes taken and exposure levels PM_2.5levels. For the first day, the rider was travelling beyond the Northern Bypass, and PM_2.5 exposure was in the three ‘unhealthy’ categories for about 40% of his working day. On the second day, the journeys all fell within the Northern Bypass, and PM_2.5 exposure was in the three ‘unhealthy’ categories for about 63% of the working day (Figures 3). These results indicate a high level of exposure for boda boda riders during a significant portion of their time at work..

Boda boda riders often perceived that the air quality in Kampala’s streets was poor. Interviewees cited problems of dust and fumes from diesel trucks. When they have a heavy cough they reported going to a local clinic for treatment. As one interviewee said, “It comes and then you get treatment, and if you take the treatment it goes away”, although no details of the treatment were given. Reports of sickness were high, and nearly half the sample (9 of 20 interviewees) had been sick during the last two weeks, with 8 people reporting skin irritation and 15 reporting eye irritation. Responses covering illness over the last 12 months were also informative, with 9 respondents reporting up to 10 days’ sickness, with illnesses including coughs and flu, skin irritation, sinus and eye irritation, pneumonia, headaches and allergies. (

When asked to rank their main challenges, several interesting observations emerged. Four of the 20 respondents said ‘dusty roads’ were one of their top challenges, with poor road condition and traffic enforcement officers also scoring highly. Pollution was not directly cited as a major challenge, perhaps because it is not commonly considered a problem, but boda boda riders consider that air pollution is much higher outdoors and in transit than in and around the home – 17 of the 20 interviewees described air pollution in transit as high or very high.

Interviewees also discussed the wider urban social and environmental impacts of air pollution, and whose responsibility it was to take action. They were first asked to agree/disagree with a range of statements. Interviewees agreed most strongly with the statements that air pollution in your city is ‘bad enough to cause human health problems’, and to ‘hurt the environment’, but considered that this problem should be tackled by the city government, especially through increased regulation. Surprisingly, for a sector that has resisted regulation, interviewees’ suggestions for reducing air pollution included setting and enforcing strict road and traffic laws, addressing poor road conditions and planting trees. This indicates that rank-and-file boda boda riders may be more willing to accept regulation than their leadership.

In conclusion, for this research several factors were key: the importance of boda boda both within the public transport system, and as a livelihood strategy; the amount and type of air pollution to which riders’ were exposed; the perceived health impacts, and extent to which individual initiatives by boda boda riders can contribute in partnership with regulators to an integrated approach to the reduction of transport-related air pollution reduction.

This study has shown that boda boda riders are increasingly affected by air pollution, and that monitoring its impact is not complicated or expensive. Monitoring would help boda boda riders understand the impacts of traffic-related air pollution on their health, and lobby for change. However, addressing increasing air pollution requires integrated action between boda boda riders, their associations, local government and regulators.

Kampala, like cities in Nigeria, Kenya, Rwanda, and elsewhere in Uganda, has seen an increase of commercial motorcycle services in response to rapid urban growth, a poorly maintained road network and an inadequate transport system. Advantages are that the services provide a low-cost transport mode, time savings on heavily congested roads, and extensive employment opportunities in riding and maintenance. The disadvantages include potential problems of lack of safety, drivers’ lack of knowledge of road traffic regulations, and the impact of high emissions from two-stroke engines common in Africa. These disadvantages are complex and politically sensitive, and must be addressed in partnership between city governments, police and transport departments and riders, based on an understanding of the role of commercial motorcycle services in the urban transport system and in urban livelihoods.

Kampala is famous for its boda boda network and the daring of the riders. The boda boda service has evolved to fill a significant gap in the urban transport market where conventional suppliers failed. Wildly different estimates of numbers of boda boda were found in this study, but it seems likely that there are 250,000 or more, and they can form up to 40% of vehicles on some major arterial roads. Boda boda riding is also an important livelihood for many people. Many boda boda riders operate in an informal group from a ‘stage’ (stop), which supports members and encourages good conduct. Although boda boda riders sometimes have a cavalier reputation, in practice they are a proud profession, often elder sons whose families have saved to buy or rent their vehicle, supporting a large extended family. There are an estimated 57 boda boda associations within Kampala City, but these are not registered, and there have been reports of political capture and rent-seeking by boda boda associations.

Boda boda riders are both victims of and contributors to air pollution. Data from the low-cost mobile air pollution monitors showed that boda boda riders were exposed to unhealthy levels of pollution between 40%-63% of the working day. Their reported levels of respiratory illness or skin and eye irritation is high. However, riders do not fully understand the causes of the problem, and many keep working because of financial or family pressures and take inadequate steps to address the potential long-term effects of these illnesses. For boda boda riders, better monitoring of their health and raising awareness of treatment options may have long-term benefits. Boda boda motorcycles also contribute to ambient air pollution on roads, e.g. through exhaust fumes from two-stroke engines, which have high emissions of carbon monoxide and volatile organic compounds (a key component in the formation of ground level ozone) which contributes to traffic-related air pollution from other other sources, including diesel-run or older vehicles (buses and trucks), or from particulate matter from unpaved roads, poor road maintenance and construction.

The first critical factor in trying to coordinate boda boda activities to increase regulation and reduce air pollution exposure is the lack of reasonably reliable estimates of the number of boda boda riders in Kampala. Understanding the scale of boda boda activity is critical before any regulation or coordination can take place. A second critical factor is the proportion of recorded road traffic accidents involving motorcycles, which in 2017 was nearly a third of all reported road traffic accidents, higher than that for cars. A high proportion of these are likely to involve boda boda, as private use of motorcycles in Kampala is comparatively low. One study of underlying factors influencing motorcycle accidents found an association of injury with sharing or renting a motorcycle, possibly due to lack of maintenance which may also influence susceptibility to pollution from riders’ own vehicles.

Many of the obvious initiatives to manage boda boda services have been tried but failed due to political interference, and thus an approach is needed which builds on the capabilities of boda boda riders, and sees them as integral to any solution, supported by a media strategy to reach this disparate community. Registering associations, establishing a shared code of conduct, and ensuring financial transactions such as membership fees are transparent, e.g. through the use of mobile money payments, would be a helpful way of strengthening self-regulation and establishing points-of-contact between riders, KCCA and other regulators, and may be more effective than registering individual riders. Simply banning boda boda riders from key locations, such as the city centre, would deprive this vulnerable group of their livelihoods and impoverish their dependents. Boda boda associations are key to this integration, to enhance self-management and taxation through transparent methods that reduce the opportunities for rent-seeking. Ride-hailing ‘apps’ also have a part to play in providing an entry to monitoring the sector.

Major cities need effective transportation networks, but the 2017 World Bank recommendation – that management and regulation of the current transport system and extending the paved road network is essential before any major investment in bus rapid transit takes place – is important for air pollution as well as traffic management. Cross-agency cooperation between KCCA and surrounding districts within GKMA is important, both in setting and enforcing standards to tackle transport-related air pollution, and addressing other structural problems within the transport sector. At an individual level, boda boda riders can promote regular motorcycle maintenance to limit harmful emissions, and encourage stages to monitor illness amongst their members. As a collective, boda boda associations have a central role in advocating for their members, improving customer safety and encouraging better knowledge of the sector, for example, through registering stages, and developing a code of conduct to encourage wearing helmets, knowledge of traffic regulations, safe driving, mask wearing and customer care. Boda boda associations have a pivotal role in ensuring that regulators are aware of the importance of boda boda to urban livelihoods, and that boda boda are included in strategic transport planning.

This study has demonstrated that low-cost methods can effectively monitor the occupational exposure to air pollution experienced by boda boda riders, and offers the potential for more qualitative study linked to futher monitoring to explore and enhance the agency of boda boda riders and their associations to understand and help address the impacts of air pollution to which they are exposed. It has demonstrated that at city-wide level, KCCA has a critical role in finding apolitical measures that allow the enumeration and regulation of existing boda boda services, and integration of measures to reduce their exposure to air pollution into wider environmental strategies. However, in the longer term, while commercial motor-cycle transport may not be the most efficient mode of transport for a 4-million-plus city, measures to introduce more effective mass-transit system should recognise the important role of boda boda for both urban transport and livelihoods, and help riders transition into a wider range of employment if and when boda bodas become a less dominant urban transport mode.

Ethical Approval

University of Birmingham, School of Geography, Earth and Environmental Sciences Ethics Committee

Competing interests

Not applicable

Authors' contributions

Francis Pope was the PI for the overall research project comprising studies in Kampala, Nairobi and Addis Ababa, and William Avis the governance and vulnerability expert on the study, and Ajit Singh the research associate with expertise in pollution monitoring. For this paper, the literature review was conducted by Alison Brown, William Avis, George Mwaniki and Winnie Khaemba. The survey was developed by Alison Brown and William Avis, and administered by Emmanuel Ebbu. Atmospheric pollution modelling was undertaken by Ajit Singh. Alison Brown coordinated the inputs, and all authors reviewed the paper.

Funding

The paper is an output from a project funded by the UK Department for International Development (DFID) through the Research for Evidence Division (RED) for the benefit of developing countries. However, the views expressed and information contained in it is not necessarily those of, or endorsed by DFID, which can accept no responsibility for such views or information or for any reliance placed on them. Ref/No: EARF/ITT/018

Availability of data and materials

Via University of Birmingham (to be confirmed)

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No competing interests reported.

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Occupational Exposure to Air Pollution in Africa: Boda Boda Riders in Kampala

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