Grandparents have been found to play a vital role in caring for grandchildren, especially in traditional Asian societies where highly value multigenerational co-residence as an ideal living arrangement. Such a living arrangement pattern is considered as a form which promotes filial piety and collective family interests [1]. Multigenerational co-residence also makes the involvement of grandchild care be on a daily basis without stating a custodial responsibility [2, 3]. In recent years, with a rising trend of female labor force participation and an increasing divorce rate, grandparents’ involvement in childbearing becomes even more important. Consequently, considerable research attention has been given to studies of grandparental childcare and its impacts on grandparents' mental and physical health. Mixed results have been found with showing a positive, negative, U-shape or non-significant impact of grand parenting on grandparental health outcomes (see detailed discussion in the theoretical background section). Although some studies have attempted to explore the mechanisms that can possibly explain the ways in which caring for grandchildren links to grandparents' health status, prior literature has hardly examined the mediating effect of internet use in such a linkage. This study tried to fill the voids by relying on the Karison, Holm and Breen (KHB) method to analyze data taken from the 2018 wave of China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS).
When examining the mediating effect, this study also concerned gender as well as rural-urban differences. This is because previous research highlighted significant gender differences in China’s traditional family norms in terms of domestic life and caregiving practice [4, 5]. Studies reported that grandmothers spent a comparable amount of time in childcare, which was three times as much time as grandfathers spent in childcare [6]. When caring for grandchildren, Chinese grandmothers tended to fulfill intensive responsibilities, such as feeding, bathing, and dressing whereas grandfathers usually served as fun-seeker, playmate, and companion [7]. Grandfathers may also experience social stigma if they are heavily involved grandparenting since traditional norms do not encourage males to be heavily engaged in childcare. Previous literature reported worse psychological health among grandmothers than grandmothers [8]. Besides the gender differences documented in literature studying Chinese sample, studies based on Western countries also showed significant gender differentials. A piece studying the European sample found a positive association between grandchild care and grandmothers' physical health but such an association was not found among grandfathers [9]. Researchers reported more depressive symptoms for grandmothers than for grandfathers [10, 11]. When the reducing depression effect of social media (such as using internet) was taken into consideration, studies found that it was more apparent among older women than among older men [12].
The family caregiving norms have also been found to vary in rural and urban China due to drastically uneven development levels in both settings [13]. The rural-urban differences in multiple domains, including social resources, family norms, cultural tradition, living standards, individual health disparities et al., have been repeatedly documented in abundant literature [14–18]. Although traditional family norms and cultural values have been largely weakened in recent decades by China's rapid urbanization and dramatic social changes, less changes have occurred in rural areas as compared to urban settings [19]. In addition, with a large number of rural residents moving to cities to seek job opportunities, rural Chinese grandparents are more likely than their urban peers to become custodial caregivers in skipped-generation households. Rural grandparents are also more financially dependent on their adult children and consider grandchild care as a reciprocal form of intergenerational exchange [20]. As a result, rural grandparents' psychological well-being tends to be more impacted by both financial security and grandchild caregiving. Additionally, the one-child policy was more strictly implemented in urban than in rural China. Urban grandparents tend to enjoy nurturing the only grandchild in family when rural grandparents are struggling to care multiple grandchildren. These differences are likely to cause grandparental health disparities due to giving care to grandchildren.
Under such a proceeding, this paper aimed to investigate whether the mediating effects of internet use in the linkage of grandparent caregiving and grandparental health vary among grandmothers and grandfathers and by their rural-urban residence. This study contributed to the existing literature in several ways. First, the paper systematically investigated the mediating effects, particularly internet use, as well as gender and rural-urban differences, which has been rarely seen in previous literature. Second, unlike most prior analyses of Chinese grand parenting that relied on regional, non-representative samples, this study estimated publicly available data from a nationally representative longitudinal survey, which yielded more generalizable and replicable findings. Third, when measuring health outcomes, unlike many previous analyses that restricted to grandparents’ psychological well-being, this study examined health in a more comprehensive manner by also including physical health measures, i.e., self-reported health status and functional limitations. Below we discuss the theoretical background that guided this empirical work.
Theoretical Basis
Grandchild Care and Grandparental Health
Previous studies have provided evidence linking grandchild care to grandparental health. Some studies reported a negative impact of extensive and custodial grand parenting on grandparents' health. This is because grand parenting is time consuming and is physically and psychologically demanding for grandparents. It is generally associated with a decrease in time available for hanging out with friends and doing recreational activities. Lacking of privacy, social engagement and leisure time has led to heightened isolation and depression [21], which brought consequently negative effects on grandparents' health [22]. The stress of caregiving could also cause or exacerbate poor health behaviors, such as smoking [23]. Further, custodial grandmothers have been found to be more likely economically disadvantaged. Having inadequate financial resources for raising grandchildren and lacking of social support were associated with elevated levels of psychological distress [24]. Some grandparents may have given up employment to raise grandchildren. Job and income loss increased their economic vulnerability and stress [25]. Custodial grandmothers were reported to have increased psychological distress as well due to child behavior problems [26].
Other studies, in contrast, claimed a positive effect of grandchild care on grandparents' health for a number of reasons. For instance, it has made grandparents stay active and has prevented elders from deteriorating at older ages [27]. Grandparents thus reported better self-rated health [28] and fewer functional health limitations (Guo et al., 2008). Meanwhile, grand parenting have enhanced grandparents' self-esteem, self-worth as well as family cohesion [9, 29]. Giving care of grandchildren could also stimulate the brain, which was helpful in maintaining good cognitive skills [30]. Grandchildren could be great emotional resources for grandparents, which led to reduced depressive symptoms [31] and greater life satisfaction [28, 32]. Caring for a grandchild may have resulted in a more active lifestyle, healthier meals, or a reduction in smoking [23]. Grandparents may have received beneficial consequences in terms of physical and mental health from their altruistic behaviors of giving grandchild care [33]. Caregiving to grandchildren was also found to be able to reduce grandparents' mortality rate [34]. The intergenerational time-for-money exchange theory also supported a positive association between the amount of grandchild care provided by grandparents and the amount of remittance received from their migrant adult children. Such a reciprocal exchange improved grandparents' living standard and health care, which in turn benefited their physical health, reduced depressive symptoms and improved level of life satisfaction [35].
Still others showed no significant association or a nonlinear relationship between grand parenting and grandparental health. For example, Arpino & Bordone (2014) found that except for verbal frequency, providing child care did not show statistically significant effect on other domains of grandparents' cognitive function. Hughes and colleagues (2007) suggested that the health disadvantages among grandparent caregivers arose from grandparents’ prior characteristics, not as a consequence of providing care [36]. Through analyzing longitudinal survey data of Japan, Oshio's (2022) study suggested that caring for grandchildren did not have either a beneficial or detrimental effect on grandparents’ health [37]. Other scholars supported a non-linear relationship between giving care to grandchildren and grandparents' health. For instance, Glaser and colleagues (2014) claimed that non-intensive levels of caregiving were most likely to be associated with better health. Whereas both grandparents who provided custodial childcare and grandparents who did not provide any grandchild care were likely to report poor health [38]. Similarly, when the level care was considered, Hughes and colleagues (2007) found that grandparents who provided primary care in skipped-generation households reported depression and worse health; whereas grandparents who offered supplementary care tended to report better health outcomes [36]. Coall and Hertwi's (2011) research further supported a nonlinear relationship by showing the amount of child care was positively associated with grandparents' well-being, nevertheless, when grandparental care reached the highest level of investment (e.g. custodial care), then caregiving was detrimental to grandparents' health [33].
The inconsistent findings on the prevision of caring by grandparents shown in the existing literature can largely be explained by the following: (1) methodological issues; (2) different social-cultural background, and (3) the studying subjects. In short, if the studied grandparents were primary caregivers and the amount of time grandparents spent on caregiving affected the research results. Primary caregivers tended to be more involved in child care, and they were more likely to report negative health outcomes.
Internet Use And Individual Health
Over the past two decades, internet use became an important tool for health campaigns, social activities and leisure time resources for adults [39]. Prior literature has showed a strong link between internet use and individual health. Some studies supported a positive influence of internet use on health by arguing that internet use may promote individual health by helping individuals' decision-making and self-care [40] since using internet may influence how individuals perceive or rate their health, improve interactions with health professionals [41] or offer online social support including health related information [42]. Internet use was also found beneficial in reducing loneliness [43–45] and enhancing life satisfaction, physical health, and quality of life [46]. Meanwhile, internet use created new personal friendships, new forms of contacts with family and friends, and maintaining social involvement. Online networks built by internet use was also shown to improve digital socializing and provide adults with various forms of entertainment [47, 48]. A study of Taiwan sample showed that internet use promoted healthy life styles [49]. By studying the Chinese sample, Yang and associates (2021) claimed that although using internet for learn, work, and commercial activity did not significantly alleviate one's depressive symptoms, but using internet for social contact and entertainment showed significant effect decreasing depression [12]. Studies on adolescents reported that online peer communication can facilitate self-disclosure and create a sense of belonging, which eventually supported individual identity development [50]. Receiving positive peer feedback on Facebook profiles was found to enhance adolescents’ self-esteem and well-being [51]. Using social media, including internet, made teens to feel closer to friends, more informed, and connected to family.
Another group of work, however, suggested a negative association between internet use and individual health. Scholars argued that overload or exaggerated online information may generate confusion due to anxieties and unrealistic expectations. Lower satisfaction with one’s subjective wellbeing may also occur for various reasons depending upon how online information was used and by whom [52–54]. It was documented that internet use was significantly associated with decreased time spent with friends and lower level of local social networking, which increased loneliness and lower quality of life [55]. In addition, internet use decreased in-person and face-to-face social activities, which resulted in a lack of personal contacts [47]. Heavier Facebook users were found to be more likely to believe other people were happier and had better lives [56]. Such kind of comparing behavior would possibly bring psychological loss and relative deprivation, which reduced people’s life satisfaction. It was argued that passive use of social media may cause depressive mood, it also had negative effects on well-being, sense of belonging and life satisfaction [57, 58]. This is because spending a lot of time on weak ties in the network would reduce time spent on strong ties, which destroyed real relationships and negatively impacted life satisfaction. Studies conducted with adolescents demonstrated that an increase in using social media or severe use of social media was related with depression, anxiety and stress [59–61].
As to internet use among seniors, a majority of studies suggested that seniors benefited from using internet and smart phones in three domains: psychological, physical and practical. In the psychological sphere, internet and smart phone use helped older users staying connected with others [62], which allowed seniors to remain active and achieve a sense of security [63]. Using internet made seniors more connected to others, therefore, benefited their cognitive function [64]. Internet and smart phone use also provided new forms of leisure and entertainment, which was a way of mental exercise that benefited seniors’ cognitive function and subjective well-being [65]. Regarding physical health, studies found internet and smart phone usage helped seniors for health maintenance and chronic disease self-management, communication with professionals, health status monitoring, and receiving health promotion interventions [66, 67]. A study on the Chinese sample from Jiangxi province provided empirical evidence that smart phone use had a significantly positive influence on elders' self-rated health [68]. The practical advantages of using internet and smart phones have been documented such as supporting of daily life activities by functioning as navigators and memory aids, which preserved seniors’ independence and improved their quality of life [65]. A study on the European sample showed that older people who used the internet tended to report better health status [69]. Through analyzing the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) data, Wang and colleagues (2020) found that internet use significantly affected physical and mental health of the Chinese elderly [70]. Using data from the same survey conducted in 2017, Zhang and colleagues (2021) suggested that internet use was significantly associated with better mental health status for Chinese elders, mediated by higher physical exercise frequency [71]. Still using the 2017 CGSS data, Han and Zhao (2021) found that using internet improved seniors' health in multiple dimensions. Information, leisure, and social preferences were found to be important mediating factors through which internet use promoted elderly physical, mental, and social health [72]. Drawing sample from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), scholars further indicated that although internet use did not improve the elders' life satisfaction, it significantly reduced their depression level [73]. Similarly, by analyzing data from CFPS conducted in 2016, it was found that internet played a significantly positive role in promoting cognitive health of middle-aged and elderly people. Such an effect varied by educational attainments, but not by gender or rural-urban residence [74]. An analysis based on examining Shanghai elders showed that frequent using internet substantially lowered the odds of seniors having mental health problems [75]. on the other side of the globe, scholars found a similar results. For instance, Khalaila and Vitman-Schorr (2018) studied 502 respondents aged 50 and older from a survey conducted in 2016 in Israel and found that internet use was positively associated with quality of life. Such a relationship was mediated by loneliness, and moderated by the time the elderly spent with family members [76].
A few studies, in contrast, showed a negative effect of internet use on elders' health. For example, by studying sample from the 2017 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS), Yang and colleagues (2021) showed that internet use was significantly and negatively associated with life satisfaction level of Chinese elders, especially among those who were male, young old, poor, rural and relatively healthy. Perceptions of social justice mediated the way in which internet use was affected elders' life satisfaction [77].
Mediators In The Relationship Of Caring For Grandchildren And Grandparents' Health
Besides discussing the direct effect of grandparental childcare on grandparents' health, previous analyses have also attempted to explore the mechanisms explaining the ways in which giving care to grandchildren shaped grandparents' health status. To illustrate, through examining Chinese sample from the CHARLS data, it was found that participating in social activities, having limited sleeping time and good intergenerational relations were mediating factors which had either positive or negative indirect effects on grandparental health [78]. By studying sample from Hebei province in China, scholars further pointed out that family cohesion served as a mediator in the relationship between grandparental caregiving frequency and grandparents' level of life satisfaction. Better family cohesion reduced the negative influence of grandparenting on grandparents' level of life satisfaction [79]. Using data from the 2014 baseline survey of the China Longitudinal Ageing Social Survey (CLASS), Tang and colleagues (2020) found that the association between grandchild care and depressive symptoms was fully mediated by social networks. Grandparents who took care of grandchildren tended to have larger social networks, and giving care to grandchildren could reduce depressive symptoms through having a larger social networks [80].
The studies reviewed above provided theoretical background that grandparenting affected grandparental health. Nonetheless, these analyses have rarely paid attention to internet use in the association between grandparenting and grandparental health. Most research treated social networks and intergenerational relations as mediating factors in the above association. Little is known about how internet use can buffer against grandparent caregivers’ stress or negative health outcomes. With internet use becoming more popular and a considerable amount of seniors accessing to the internet, internet has played irreplaceable role in people's daily life. As previous literature showed, internet use benefited elders' health in multiple dimensions. Under such a proceeding, empirical evidence is warranted to elucidate whether and how using internet helps grandparent caregivers to achieve better health status. Thus, this study aimed to investigate the effect of caregiving on grandparents' physical and mental health outcomes, specifically the mediating effects of internet use in such a linkage. By taking gender and rural-urban differences into consideration, the findings clarified the role of internet use in protecting against caregiving stress and negative influence among male and female grandparents in rural and urban settings. The findings advanced our understanding of health advantages of internet use among grandparent caregivers.