This study identified for the first time, the initial post-resettlement phase for adolescent refugees as psychologically quiescent. It went on to demonstrate age, displacement, parental depression and exposure to trauma as risk factors for psychological symptoms in the initial post-resettlement phase. These novel data complement previous studies that identified comparable risk factors for established mental illness in resettled refugee youth including sex, age, ethnicity, exposure to violence, family factors, parental factors, time since displacement, and resettlement location (4, 20).
The sample of non-clinical, ostensibly healthy adolescents and the early time-frame – within the first 12 months of resettlement – were an intentional focus of the study in order to investigate antecedent factors associated with psychological symptoms in the initial post-resettlement “honeymoon” phase ascribed to arrival in a safe haven environment (9, 21). The low psychological symptom scores confirmed, for the first time, that this honeymoon phase was present in an adolescent refugee sample with scores substantially lower on the YSR than in host populations. A mean score of 35.3 for the 98-item YSR was found across 24 countries (22), whilst in this study the mean score was 15.9 using the 112-item YSR. Similarly, RATS scores on the 90th percentile in our sample equated with that of the 10th percentile in a large Dutch sample of unaccompanied refugee minors (23).
Displacement
The findings of this study are the first to our knowledge, to quantify the role of displacement in mental health of adolescent refugees and presents the novel finding of both adolescent and parental psychological symptoms being related to pre-resettlement displacement. A critical determinant of resilience in refugee adolescents is the socio-ecological context (24) and, hence, the pre-migration milieu such as residing in a stable refugee camp may mitigate or prevent psychopathology through provision of relative security, stability, and predictability.
In contrast to previous findings of an inverse dose-response relationship between psychopathology and more than two years of displacement (3), we found no correlative relationship. Instead, it was the quality of the displacement experience that was predictive. Specifically, transient displacement in a transit country or environment was associated with psychological symptoms whereas no experience of a transit environment or long-term displacement in a stable environment were comparatively protective. Whilst this finding has emerged for adult refugees (25), we now extend this to include refugee youth.
Adolescents who had not been displaced returned lower depression and trauma symptoms than those who had been displaced. Furthermore, whilst there was no correlation with time for those who had been displaced, scores for several symptom measures were inversely related to time for the non-displaced group as a proportion of participant age.
Disparities in trauma symptom scores between the displaced and non-displaced groups emerged despite no significant differences in pre-migration trauma exposure. This indicates that protective factors in not being displaced and/or risk factors in displacement may mitigate or exacerbate the psychological impact of any prior trauma exposure.
Three-quarters of those with a refugee camp experience had been born in camp and therefore did not have an experience of pre-resettlement displacement. A study set in a warzone of the former Yugoslavia (26) found nonviolent trauma such as relocation and deprivation to be associated with higher anxiety and depression symptoms in displaced children compared to those not displaced. Hence, trauma related to displacement, relocation and deprivation may cumulatively contribute to psychological symptoms in refugee youth.
A stable and financially sustainable living situation for refugee adults has been proposed to be the most important factor in reducing the risk of mental disorder (27). The present findings build upon this, indicating that minimising relocations or residing in a comparatively safe and stable refugee camp, may be protective for refugee youth. In contrast, transient residence in transit countries may be a risk factor for psychological symptoms. Hence, adolescents with transit-country journeys may be more vulnerable than those resettled directly from relatively well-resourced, organised and stable camps.
The provision of organised displacement or assisted relocation to a ‘good enough’ setting with a sense of community has been found to both mitigate mental distress and promote psychosocial wellbeing (28). Accordingly, lower levels of psychopathology have been reported on the basis of a camp’s infrastructure, community integration, and level of violence (29). For example, a study conducted in Pakistani refugee camps found a significantly higher ratio of children in longer established camps to be happier in their setting compared to those in newer camps, independent of the desire to return to their homeland (30). Similar to the present study, this referenced camp population did not have any direct experience of war-related violence or of asylum-seeking – two significant risk factors for psychopathology. To our knowledge, our study is the first that extends the psychologically protective milieu of a stable pre-resettlement environment into the post-resettlement phase.
Another plausible explanation for increased symptoms for those in the displaced compared to the non-displaced group is the experience of life in transit (31). The strain imposed by this may be akin to that of asylum-seekers in host countries, for whom the admixture of prolonged uncertainty, unemployment or insecure employment, straitened financial circumstances, lack of access to health care, and discrimination, contribute to stress. Post-migration factors are known to contribute equivalent or greater levels of psychological symptoms as pre- and peri-migration trauma (32), and can predict psychological symptom severity independent of pre-migration factors (33). Given these situational equivalencies, it is conceivable that displacement erodes resilience in a similar way.
Age
The incidence of mood disorders rises sharply during adolescence (34), but this trend appears more equivocal in refugee youth (20). Notwithstanding positive findings of increased depressive symptoms for adolescent refugees in relation to age, there remains the challenge of disaggregating age from confounding risk factors, such as the accumulation of traumatic events (20), accompaniment status (35), and age of emigration (36).
We found that the severity of depression symptoms was age-dependent, with older adolescents being more vulnerable. Two previous studies with adolescent refugees newly resettled in high income countries found that older age predicted increased self-reported depression symptoms (35, 37). However, Derluyn & Broekaert (37) noted the potentially confounding relationship between older age and number of traumatic events. In our sample, once trauma symptoms were controlled for, age maintained its significance, albeit as a weak predictor of depression symptoms. Bean et al (35) reported a relationship between age and depression symptoms after controlling for trauma exposure in a large Dutch sample of unaccompanied refugee adolescents and, significantly, we now extend this to youth in family units.
Hence, this study builds upon previous research to highlight the role of older age as a predictor of depression symptoms independent of trauma exposure. What the present findings do not elucidate however, is the relationship between mood symptoms and age in relation to age at emigration. It is possible that older resettled adolescents experience poorer psychological adjustment due to leaving behind friendship networks at a time when peers are critical to psychosocial development (38). Loss and disruption may have stronger influences on older refugee youth (39). The notion of existential security – a sense of order, stability, routine and predictability – may also have particular salience for this group (40) as they develop their self-identity within the resettlement context.
Our findings are consistent with epidemiological findings of an Australian population survey which identified a spike in depressive disorder in adolescents (12–17 years) in comparison to children (4–11 years), with particularly high rates for older adolescents (i.e., 16–17 vs 11–15; 41).
The effect of age on heightened depression symptoms in refugee youth requires further investigation, including whether elevated symptoms place them at greater risk than the general population of developing mood disorders.
Parental factors
Maternal symptoms of anxiety, depression and PTSD were positively associated with psychopathology in the adolescents, aligning with previous research (42). Our findings identified maternal depression symptoms as a unique predictor of adolescent trauma symptoms and maternal depression symptoms were related to increased oppositional symptoms.
Parental mental ill-health has potential clinical significance for adolescents via several possible mechanisms. Avoidance or numbing symptoms may result in an inability to recognise psychopathology in their adolescent children (43) – particularly in relation to internalising symptoms (44). This lack of recognition may be a contributor to the under-utilisation of mental health treatment services in vulnerable refugee youth who may need help (45). Conversely, good parental mental health is a protective factor for adolescents (24).
Time since resettlement
Whilst overall symptoms were low in this ostensibly healthy community population, we found a positive association with time since resettlement and intrusive trauma symptoms, depression symptoms and oppositional behaviour symptoms, indicating these symptoms emerged or intensified following resettlement. This concurs with Bean and colleagues (35), who found that length of residence predicted higher internalising, externalising and trauma symptoms in unaccompanied adolescent refugees, the majority of whom had lived in the Netherlands for no more than 18 months.
Whilst the designated resettlement timeframe in our study was confined to the first 12 months, baseline psychopathology may be the strongest predictor of longer term psychopathology for both internalising and externalising symptoms (46, 47). However, for at least a proportion of refugee adolescents, there is evidence to suggest that some symptoms may begin to wane at around the 5-year mark, whilst overall maintaining high rates of symptomatology as a population (48).
The possible influence of the resettlement timeframe in the emergence of mental health problems for adolescent refugees warrants further investigation due to its clinical implications. It also underscores the importance of mental health screening for refugee youth early in their resettlement trajectory.
Strengths and Limitations
This study is novel in that it investigated the first 12 months of resettlement for apparently well refugee adolescents and incorporated parental psychopathology, which few studies have done (3). However, there are some limitations which impact the findings. The cross-sectional design cannot imply causation and emphasises the need for a follow-up study to elucidate some of the explanatory constructs proffered. Furthermore, data was not collected specifically on family violence as a risk factor for psychological symptoms (49). Secondly, whilst all enrolled students who met criteria were invited into the study, random sampling of schools was not possible. Thirdly, it cannot be discounted that those who declined to participate differed from the sampled population. Fourthly, the small sample size constrained the power of the study despite the significant findings. Finally, whilst documented trauma exposure was approximately 36% of the population, our sample was drawn from the ~ 100,000 refugees selected for resettlement in Australia. Hence our participants comprised an unselected sample of the entire refugee population.