2.1. Migration-led tourism (MLT)
The interdependencies between tourism and migration are not new, but their scale, intensity, and geographical scope have increased significantly over the decades. Migration is a precondition for migration-led/VFR tourism. It can be direct or indirect (dependent on earlier generations of immigrants, e.g. “roots tourism”) or bidirectional (migration-led tourism vs tourism-led migration). VFR is the outgrowth of migration, which is a prerequisite for VFR based on friendship and kinship networks. Three mechanisms can be differentiated in the link between tourism and migration: migration leading to tourism (MLT) by stimulating VFR, the relationship running from tourism to migration (tourism-led migration, TLM), and finally, a bidirectional causal link (Williams & Hall, 2002). In our analysis, we will concentrate solely on the first mechanism. We define return visits after Duval (2004:51) as “periodic, but temporary sojourns of members of diasporic communities to their external homelands”. Duval (2004) suggests that return visits are characterised by three elements: 1) the existence of extensive social and cultural foundations in the country of origin, 2) return visits function as a means to renew, restate, and solidify familial and social networks, and 3) the involvement of individuals who are part of a larger (self-described) diasporic community formed from past migration.
The UNWTO (2009) has suggested that migration might be behind the most significant tourism flows in the world; MLT has made a significant economic contribution and led to development and poverty reduction worldwide. According to UNWTO (2019) estimates, 20% of the tourism economy was related to migration, and between 15% and 25% of international tourist arrivals were migration-driven (between 210 million and 350 million international tourist arrivals). Parr et al. (2000) demonstrated that the growth of the VFR travel market was strongly correlated with the increase in migrant families dispersed across countries. The UNWTO (2009) has estimated that in countries with net emigration, “home visits” by non-resident migrants represent at least 15% and, in some cases, even 70% of total inbound tourism. To name a few examples: 1) British expat tourists made up the most significant proportion of nationalities visiting the United Kingdom in 2007 (UNWTO, 2009); 2) in Australia, VFR accounted for approximately 48% of the total overnight tourism market (Backer, 2012); 3) in Mexico, VFR accounted for 28% (Damián & Ramírez, 2020); 4) 61% of New Zealand-resident Koreans’ overseas trips were to Korea (primarily for VFR; Kang & Page, 2000); and 5) 40 to 45% of New Zealand visitors to Samoa were VFR (Hall & Duval, 2004). Migrants travel to their countries of origin for many reasons, the most critical being to enhance kinship relationships, maintain social and cultural ties, and fulfil family and societal obligations (King & Dwyer, 2015). Nevertheless, while conducting VFR travel, they pursue an array of additional activities, such as entertainment, sightseeing, shopping, and access to healthcare (Mathijsen, 2019).
Information and communication technologies (ICT) and easily accessible and cost-effective networks have turned the diaspora market into one of the most flourishing tourism target markets (UNWTO, 2009). However, despite its substantial volume and activity, the VFR tourism market has received little attention from academia and business (comprehensive analysis in Backer & King, 2015). Reasons for that lie certainly in the inconsistency of definitions and data and diversity of situations. All these gaps make it challenging to quantify the links between tourism and migration (UNWTO, 2009; Williams and Hall, 2002). Additionally, a division of institutional responsibilities – tourism and migration managed by different governmental bodies – makes the management of migration-led tourism challenging but not impossible.
2.2. Diasporic medical tourism: the intersection of medical tourism and migration
Medical tourism (MT), the most significant component of trade in health services, has generated income that benefits domestic economies and improves countries' balance of payments (Cattaneo, 2009). At the beginning of 2020, Allied Market Research (2020) valued the size of the global medical tourism market at USD 104.68 billion and its growth at 12.8%. The Medical Tourism Association (Edelheit, 2019) estimated that fourteen million people travel abroad to obtain healthcare services worldwide. In 2006, there were 10 to 15 medical tourism facilitators worldwide, while currently, there are over 1000 in China alone (Edelheit, 2019). Over 60 countries actively promote MT, and competition has become fierce. Multiple countries saw in MT the opportunity for income generation to benefit domestic economies, improve the balance of payments and support the development of healthcare services.
Diasporic medical tourism has become a recognised subsegment of medical tourism (Connell, 2013), yet there is scant research on this migration-led tourism behaviour. Given the multidisciplinary nature of DMT, scientists have researched it from the perspective of various scientific disciplines, such as tourism, management, migration, global health, sociology, and anthropology. Sometimes, a broader context of transnationalism and tourism, or transnationalism and migration, has been applied (Jang, 2017; Lunt et al., 2016; Wang & Kwak, 2015). For our research, we define DMT as the “travel of migrants to their countries of origin with the intention to use healthcare services and access them through their own volition” (Mathijsen, 2019).
The empirical research suggests that the diaspora may even account for the majority of medical travellers in certain countries, such as Colombia, Guatemala, India, Iran, Jordan, Lebanon, Malta, Mexico, Poland, the Philippines, Turkey, or given regions, e.g. Taiwan (Connell, 2011; Glinos et al., 2010; Horsfall, 2019; Snyder et al., 2016). Countries such as Cuba, India, Korea, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Taiwan have expressly included diaspora populations in their medical tourism promotional strategies (Connell, 2013). As a result, those countries have benefited from diasporic patients, investment, philanthropy, and volunteerism (Newland & Taylor, 2010). Surprisingly and counterintuitively, DMT occurs frequently from countries considered to have well-performing healthcare systems to countries whose healthcare systems are categorised as underresourced and underperforming. For example, in Horsfall (2019), Polish diasporic medical consumers travelled from the UK to Poland; in Şekercan et al. (2014), Moroccan immigrants travelled from the Netherlands to Morocco, or in Nielsen et al. (2012), Turkish immigrants went from Denmark to Turkey. Esiyok et al. (2017) confirm that the diaspora population is the largest group of medical tourists in Turkey, something which has been referred to as the 'diaspora effect'.
The marketing of medical services to this segment has proven beneficial for certain countries. For example, Croatia actively promoted medical tourism to its diaspora in the USA via the Association of Croatian American Professionals (Total Croatia News, 2019). Trinidad and Tobago promoted MT amongst its diaspora by advertising and diaspora events (Hellyer, 2012). Other promotional activities targeted Filipinos living in the USA (Porter et al., 2008). South Koreans living in the USA and Canada benefited from ethnic networks and community media (Jun & Oh, 2015, Wang & Kwak, 2015). Guatemala also targeted this subsegment to promote its medical services (Snyder et al., 2016).
In the current COVID-19-impacted environment, VFR and domestic travel will likely lead the demand in the immediate travel recovery phase (Global Data, 2021; OECD, 2020; World Travel & Tourism Council, 2020). For the tourism sector, severely impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, familiar, predictable or trusted tourism seems to be emerging as one of the latest trends. Wolff and Larsen (2016) described the recovery trend for domestic, home-like travel as the “home-is-safer-than-abroad” bias. In the context of the MT market, the diasporic segment might play a particular role in recovery. It should also be noted that VFR “extends the season”, curbing the issue of seasonality, and contributes to repeat visits (Ramachandran, 2006).
2.3. European immigration and Polish diaspora
Polish migrants constitute one of the largest migrant populations in the world (12th position according to the IOM (McAuliffe & Triandafyllidou, 2021)). Europe was the top destination for international migrants (87 million), followed closely by Asia (86 million) (IOM, 2021). Among European populations, in 2020, Poland, Ukraine and Romania were the leading countries of origin for international migration. These three European countries were the most migration-intense countries in Europe: the first had an estimated 4.82 million emigrants (11.3% of the total population), the second had 6.05 million (12.2% of the total population; before the war), and the third had 3.98 million (17.1% of the total population).
For Poland and Romania, those movements increased significantly after accession to the European Union (in 2004 for Poland and in 2007 for Romania). The number of Polish migrants to the OECD has risen by 79% in the past 15 years, and that of Romanian migrants has more than tripled (OECD/French Development Agency (AFD), 2019). Currently, the Polish diaspora constitutes the most significant number of emigrants in the European Union and the 4th largest in OECD countries (after India, Mexico, and China) (OECD/AFD, 2019). Since joining the European Union (May 1, 2004), Poles have benefited from the right to free movement and residence of persons across Schengen member countries (Treaty of Maastricht, 1992). For stays over three months, they must demonstrate sufficient resources and access to health insurance, and after five years of uninterrupted legal residence, they acquire the right to permanent residency. Hence, they can travel freely between their countries of residence and origin. The EU-specific cross-border healthcare directive (Directive 2011/24/EU) entered into force in October 2013 and enabled EU citizens to access healthcare in any European Union country and be reimbursed by the home country's healthcare system. Patients can choose public or private healthcare in another country of the EU, and nearly 200,000 people a year use cross-border healthcare via institutional channels (European Patients’ Forum, 2021).
The healthcare landscape in Europe has been very diverse. Among the latest attempts to define healthcare system typologies in Europe, Reibling et al. (2019) grouped Belgium and Luxembourg (with Austria, France, and Germany) into a cluster defined by a “certain type of Western European social insurance” (high degree of doctors' autonomy resulting in high supply- and choice-oriented systems). The Netherlands, with Canada, Denmark, and Great Britain, belonged to the “second cluster” (strong gatekeeping, regulation-oriented, and modest supply). Finally, Poland formed a cluster with Estonia, Hungary, and Slovakia (low-supply and low-performance mixed systems). The above data indicate that diasporic medical tourists travelled from countries evaluated as well-performing to nations categorised as underresourced and with low-performance levels.
This research was conducted among the population of the Polish diaspora residing in three European countries: Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands (Table 1). The Polish Statistical Office (GUS, 2020) estimated that the Netherlands was the third most popular European country to which Poles emigrated (after the UK and Germany). We use Constant and Zimmermann's (2016) definition of diaspora as a “well-defined group of migrants and their offspring (hence 1st and potentially consecutive generations), who exhibit a joined cultural identity, and who identify themselves (inactive or dormant way) with the culture or country of origin (the way they envision it)”.
Table 1
Permanent and temporary Polish emigrants in the three researched countries (GUS, 2020).
Country of residence of Polish emigrants (CoR) | Permanent residents (more than 12 months) | Temporary residents* |
Netherlands | 144,000 | 123,000 |
Belgium | 70,000 | 54,000 |
Luxembourg | 4,700 |
TOTAL | 285,700 |
*Polish citizens who kept their residency in Poland but resided abroad.
2.4. Motivations for diasporic medical tourism: theoretical background and hypothesis development
Many scholars have attempted to explore salient motivational factors in the overarching medical tourism market; however, no theoretical framework has yet been agreed upon. Therefore, the researchers applied various existing theoretical frameworks, which serve as a starting point for exploration and experimentation. The universal 'Push-Pull' theoretical framework (Crompton, 1979) has been a popular framework to explain why patients-consumers decide to leave their countries and undertake international medical trips (Hanefeld et al., 2014). Motivational theories transposed from tourism or health-behaviour research were applied to MT. The former is represented by, for example, the Iso-Ahola theory (Adams et al., 2015), while the latter is represented by the Health Belief Model (Ban & Kim, 2020). In recent years, we have seen increased application of the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) in medical tourism related to foreign patients. The TPB has been tested in its basic form, extended form, mixed with protection motivation theory, decomposed (DTPB, Taylor & Todd, 1995), and for testing MT-related scales (MEDTOUR scale; Ramamonjiarivelo, Martin & Martin, 2015). Research on MT with TPB application was conducted solely in Asia: in China (Ming, 2019), South Korea (Lee et al., 2012), and Malaysia (Saragih & Jonathan, 2019). The researchers also explored the extended TPB framework in India, Iran, Malaysia, South Korea, and Taiwan. However, none of the research has been conducted in Europe thus far.
Regarding the segment of diasporic medical tourism, motivational factors have frequently been compiled into an overarching category of 'cultural proximity' (i.e., Ormond & Lunt, 2019; Vargas Bustamante, 2019). Hall (2017) referred to them as 'noncommercial' behavioural dimensions. Glinos et al. (2010) called it 'familiarity with the system' combined with ‘affordability’. Our previously published scoping review (Mathijsen & Mathijsen, 2020, which intended to better understand DMT motivational factors from broadly published papers across various scientific domains) enumerated eight motivational drivers present in various research conducted on DMT across the globe. They turned out to be 'commercial' and 'noncommercial': medical culture, time availability (by-the-way of being back at home), communication, dissatisfaction with the current system in the country of residence (CoR), healthcare insurance status (accessibility), quality of healthcare (swiftness of services, treatments available), desire for a second opinion and relative cost (value for money). Nevertheless, none of the researchers analysed them in their interdependence.
To our knowledge, no quantitative research has investigated the motivational factors of DMT in its complexity in an attempt to test it in a theoretical framework or explore a new theoretical avenue. Therefore, we propose to model DMT based on the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB), which has demonstrated its predictive value in tourism (meta-analysis of Yuzhanin & Fisher, 2016). The meta-analysis of McEachan et al. (2011) summarised that TPB is also an appropriate predictor of health-related intention and behaviour, explaining 40–49% of the variance in intention. According to the authors of the TPB (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010), behavioural intentions indicate a person's readiness to perform a behaviour; the more potent the intention, the more likely it is that the behaviour will be performed.
Three significant factors guide behavioural intentions, namely, attitudes towards behaviour (AT), subjective norms related to behaviour (SN), and perceived behavioural control (PBC), leading to the formation of behavioural intention (BI). Therefore, behavioural intention (BI) has been a linear regression function of AT, SN and PBC, as follows:
BI = w1A + w2SN + w3PBC (where w1 to w3 are empirical weights)
In the current formulation of the TPB, favourable AT and SN motivate engagement in the behaviour, yet concrete action is taken when PBC is sufficiently strong (Ajzen, 2020). Furthermore, the founders of TPB argued that people tend to approach different kinds of behaviour in much the same way, with the same limited set of constructs (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010).
2.4.1. Attitudes towards diasporic medical tourism
Fishbein and Ajzen (2010:76) understood Attitude as a tendency to respond to the behaviour with a certain degree of favourableness or unfavourableness (whether the person favours doing it). Hence, it is a function of readily accessible (salient) beliefs about the consequences of the behaviour, termed “behavioural beliefs”. The following equation represents Attitude in the expectancy-value model:
AT α Σbᵢeᵢ
The strength of each accessible belief (b) is multiplied by the subjective evaluation (e) of the outcome or experience, and the resulting products are summed. A person's attitude (AT) is expected to be directly proportional (α) to this composite belief index.
Previous research on MT concerning foreign patients has found significant positive results between attitudes and intention to undertake MT, and AT was identified as the most vital determinant of intention (Lee et al., 2012, Ming, 2019; Saragih and Jonathan, 2019). Lee et al. (2012) demonstrated that AT was a positive determinant in predicting Japanese tourists' intention to undertake MT for i) health treatment and ii) beautification treatment. Japanese tourists believed that MT for health treatment in Korea would enable them to receive immediate treatment, with extra care, using the latest technology, by a highly professional team, at significant cost savings, and all that with the additional benefit of food tourism. Martin, Ramamonjiarivelo, and Martin (2011), creators of the MEDTOUR scale, concluded that while cost may be a significant factor in MT, attitude determines which alternatives to consider. Without a positive attitude, this option of MT abroad would not be considered. Following those results, we postulate the following hypothesis:
H1
Attitude (AT) toward DMT is positively associated with behavioural intention (BI) to undertake DMT.
2.4.2. Subjective norms about diasporic medical tourism
Fishbein and Ajzen (2010) saw Norms as perceived social pressure to perform (engage in or not) a given behaviour. It refers to a person's perception that “important others” expect a behaviour performance (or nonperformance). The injunctive normative beliefs (perceptions of what should be done) and descriptive normative beliefs (perceptions of whether others were/weren’t performing a given behaviour) lead to the formation of norms. However, it is not enough to know the above if the person is not motivated to comply with the referent. Therefore, Fishbein and Ajzen (2010) recommend integrating the motivation to comply. They assumed that normative beliefs and the motivation to comply determined the prevailing subjective norm, as follows:
SN α Σnᵢmᵢ
The strength of each subjective norm (n) is multiplied by the motivation to comply (m) with the subjective norm, and the resulting products are summed.
The subjective norm was statistically significant in most of the research related to the medical tourism of foreign patients (Chaulagain et al., 2021, Lee et al., 2012; Liang et al., 2019; Na et al., 2016, Saragih and Jonathan, 2019; Seow et al. 2017). Moreover, in two instances (Lee et al., 2012; Saragih & Jonathan, 2019), SN presented a more significant direct effect on BI than AT and PBC. In Lee et al.’s (2012) research on Japanese MT travellers, SN (of friends, family, acquaintances, and doctors) was the most important predictor for health treatment MT. The authors attributed this to Japan’s collectivist culture. Saragih and Jonathan (2019) argued that Indonesian patients travelled to Malaysia for medical treatment based on their friends' recommendations. Only in Ming’s research (2019) was SN relatively weak. Following previous learning drawn from MT, we stipulate the following:
H2
A subjective norm (SN) related to DMT is positively associated with a behavioural intention (BI) to undertake DMT.
2.4.3. Perceived behavioural control over diasporic medical tourism
Last, Perceived Behavioural Control (PBC) refers to people's perceptions of their ability to perform a given behaviour and their control over its performance. Fishbein and Ajzen (2010) conceptualised it as a comprehensive set of accessible control beliefs pointing to the factors that may facilitate or impede the performance and the perceived power of each control belief, as follows:
PBC α Σcᵢpᵢ
The strength of each perception of the ability to perform (c) is multiplied by the perceived power of the control over it (p), and the resulting products are summed.
In our research, we were more inclined to follow the direction of Trafimow et al. (2002), who proposed a distinction between items that assess the perceived ease/difficulty of performing a behaviour and perceived control over its performance. People usually act on their intentions when the AT and SN are favourable and when they have sufficient control over performance. Salient control beliefs might also be influenced by observations of other people's experiences and second-hand information: the more information we think we possess, the greater our perceived control over performance. Due to the difficulty of measuring actual behavioural control, PBC works as a proxy in most studies.
In most research on MT in foreign patients, PBC was the weakest, yet still statistically significant, determinant (Chaulagain et al., 2021; Lee et al., 2012; Liang et al., 2019; Saragih and Jonathan, 2019). However, in Seow et al. (2017) and Na et al. (2016), PBC was not statistically significant. The latter was explained by a great number of intangible factors associated with MT. Following the above and given that diasporic tourists travel to familiar environments, we posit the following hypothesis:
H 3
Perceived behavioural control (PBC) over DMT is positively associated with a behavioural intention (BI) to undertake DMT.
2.4.4. Past behaviour with diasporic medical tourism
Additionally, the results of some studies demonstrated that Past Behaviour (PB) was the best predictor of future behaviour. Three meta-analyses and a handful of single studies showed that an additional per cent of variance was explained by PB, varying between 9.6% and 13% (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010). The research showed that intentions and past behaviour had some variance in common that is not explained by the three predictors in TPB (AT, SN, and PBC). Lee et al. (2012) pointed to PB in the form of experience and familiarity, which strengthened the intention via positive experiences of Japanese MT who had previously travelled to Korea. Based on the above, we extended the TPB model to include the Past Behaviour construct and postulated the following hypothesis (Fig. 1):
H4
Past behaviour (PB) related to DMT is positively associated with a behavioural intention (BI) to undertake DMT.