Exploring the Factors That Influence Social Harm Related to Youth Health in The Suburbs of Karaj, Iran: A Qualitative Study

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-2437017/v1

Download PDF

Research Article

Exploring the Factors That Influence Social Harm Related to Youth Health in The Suburbs of Karaj, Iran: A Qualitative Study

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-2437017/v1

This work is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 License

Version 1

posted

You are reading this latest preprint version

Background

Marginalization is a global and pervasive issue and the cause of many social problems. This study seeks to explain the causes and underlying factors of social harm related to youth health in the suburbs of Karaj, Iran.

Methods

This qualitative study was conducted using content analysis in 2020 in the suburbs of Karaj, Iran. The research population consisted of 16 young people living in the region and four experts in socials harm and health. Purposeful sampling was performed with maximum variation. Semi-structured interviews were conducted individually and according to participants’ experiences and were then analyzed in MAXQDA-20 software.

Results

The data analysis led to the extraction of four categories, eight subcategories, and 52 codes. The research categories included environmental factors, family factors, cultural factors, and physical and psychological factors aggravating social harm.

Conclusion

The results of this study showed the high prevalence of the severity of social harm in the marginalized suburbs of Karaj, which was caused by social instability, peer influence, child abandonment, family breakdown, cultural deprivation, and severe traditionalism, which have led to many health problems and personal breakdown for this marginalized population. Therefore, plans should be devised to solve the problems of marginalized adolescents and to empower them so as to reduce social harms and improve their health.

Social Harms

Marginalization

Youth

Social Health

cultural deprivation

The issue of social harm in human societies has always been of interest to scholars. These harms have many effects and consequences in various aspects of health, economy, culture, psychology, politics, etc., for the society, family, and individuals (1). The uncontrolled growth of urbanization in third-world countries has caused many unintended negative consequences, including marginalization as perhaps the most important one (2). This problem, which is affecting the metropolises of Iran today, arises when the lower classes of the society cannot easily meet their economic and livelihood needs. As a result, they migrate, and since they cannot easily adapt to the urban culture in metropolitan areas or afford to live in the city, they become marginalized and choose to live in the suburbs. Marginalization is a phenomenon that has, along with other influential phenomena in cities, added to the list of urban problems. This problem makes cities look ugly and aggravates the dichotomy in urban societies, increasing the class gap and exacerbating many other problems. Accordingly, marginalization is an urban problem and complication that can be the main source of many crimes and offenses. In such areas, given the lost human values, social perversions grow rapidly and practices such as theft, addiction, trafficking and the like become widespread (3). These harms are more common among adolescents, because this age group is prone to significant changes in their personality and the acquisition of new habitus based on environmental factors (4).

In one study, Lucinsa and Yak found that marginalized people are exposed to many harms, such as drug use (5). Horiniak et al. studied young marginalized African refugees in Melbourne who drank heavily to cope with boredom and despair and concluded that this group faces consequences such as family breakdown, homelessness, interpersonal violence, poor health, isolation, and imprisonment (6). Moreover, Aldering and North showed that immigrant youth are more at risk than local people and tend to experience cultural conflict and inconsistency as soon as they arrive at their destination (7). Thompson et al. suggested that Filipino immigrants experience psychological and emotional problems and pressures in the transition from a collectivistic to an individualistic society (8). Zandkarimi et al. also found that marginalized adolescents, especially girls with low economic and social status, are more likely to suffer from social and psychological harms such as depression (9). In another research, Mirbagheri and Khademian showed that marginalized adolescents are more exposed to social harms such as drug and alcohol use (10). In another study, Zakikhani suggested that marginalization is created due to the unequal and excessive distribution of society’s facilities in a given area, and when the migratory movement intensifies more than usual, it becomes a social problem (11). Mohammadi et al. then classified marginalized people’s challenges into five categories by their order of importance, including socio-cultural, biological, economic, educational-health, and welfare challenges (12). Piran argued that marginalization is one of the most important issues of urban planning in third-world countries that has developed due to these countries’ long-term dependence on global capitalism, excessive migration, and irrational urban growth (13).

Karaj is the fourth largest metropolis of Iran (after Tehran, Mashhad, and Isfahan) and the largest immigration destination in Iran after Tehran. The demographic composition of the city of Karaj consists of different Iranian subcultures and ethnicities, such that it has been dubbed ‘Little Iran’. The anonymity and namelessness experienced in urban communities and marginalized suburbs contribute to social harms and health risks. This study chose the suburbs of Karaj because this region has undergone massive changes in recent years due to the population displacement and migration trends, and it appears to offer a better setting for the study of social harms and their health consequences.

Thus, the aim of this study was to identify the underlying factors of social harms among marginalized youth and what consequences these harms had for health at the individual, family and social levels. Finally, based on the results and findings of the present study, this study purported to provide solutions to reduce and modify harms.

Type of study

This qualitative study was conducted using conventional content analysis in 2020 in Karaj, Iran. Karaj is the capital of Alborz Province and the fourth most populous city in Iran and also the 22nd most populous metropolis in the Middle East that has undergone marginalization very rapidly. This study seeks to obtain information and describe and categorize the experiences of youth impacted by social harms and also those of experts in social harms.

Setting

Study participants and sampling

The study participants included 16 youth living in Karaj suburbs and four experts in social harms and health. The participants were from 18 to 35 years old. (M = 33.75). the participants were from different educational backgrounds. Sampling was performed purposefully with maximum variation and participants’ consent.

Data Collection

Data were collected from summer 2020 to winter 2021 through interviews conducted by the researcher (the second author) in select suburbs of Karaj (Malek Abad, Mehdiabad, and Hesarak), which happen to have the highest population diversity based on reports published by the national Health Deputy of Iran. The interviews were semi-structured. At the time of the interviews, the researcher introduced himself and explained the project objectives to the participants and obtained their permission to record the interviews and ensured them that all the content would be confidential. The interviews were facilitated through the establishment of a proper rapport between the researchers and participants and after gaining the trust of the participants. Written consent was obtained from the candidates if they wished to take part in the study. The interviews followed by exploratory questions (e.g., “Please elaborate”, “Please give an example”, etc.).

interview questions:

1. Describe the social harms that exist in your region and threaten the health of the youth. 2. How much are the youth of this region exposed to social harms? 3. What are the factors that have made adolescents vulnerable in this neighborhood? 4. What are the health consequences of these harms? 5. How can one be protected from social harms in this environment? Then, exposure questions were posed: 6. To what extent do ethnic differences cause social harm in this environment? 7. What role do families play in their children’s vulnerability? 8. In your opinion, to what extent has marginalization in this area affected vulnerability? Exploratory questions were also raised during the interviews, such as “Please elaborate” and “What do you mean by this sentence?”.

At the end of the interviews, the participants were asked to make any other statements or comments they had.

Procedure

The process of interviewing continued until data saturation was reached. The interviews were recorded with participants’ permission. Promptly after each session was over, the interview was transcribed, coded, and analyzed before the next interview. The interview duration ranged from 45 to 90 minutes and was 60 minutes on average. Each participant was interviewed in a quiet and, if possible, secluded place. Data analysis was performed using the conventional content analysis approach and the data obtained were processed using the method proposed by Graneheim and Lundman (2004) as follows:

1. First, the interviews were transcribed and a general concept was extracted from them after several readings. 2. The interview texts were divided into several meaning units and were then coded. 3. The similar meaning units were summarized and classified together as codes. 4. The codes were grouped as subcategories and categories based on their similarities and differences. 5. Themes were reorganized and extracted from the hidden content of the interview texts (14).

In this study, Lincoln and Guba’s evaluative criteria for trustworthiness, credibility, dependability, transferability, and confirmability were used to evaluate the accuracy and rigor of data. Following these criteria, attempts were made to observe criteria as much as possible in this study. The researchers’ attendance of the study setting, their data control, and also their tolerance and patience helped improve the quality of credibility. After providing the necessary explanations to the participants, obtaining their informed consent to record the interviews in audio format, ensuring compliance with the research ethics, authorizing the participants to enter and withdraw from the interviews as they wished, and ensuring the anonymity and confidentiality of the conversations, the research team carried out interviews with the participants to access their knowledge and experience about health-related social harms. The interviews were held in summer 2020 in public places, neighborhoods, parks, and workplaces with the participation of two groups, i.e. harmed people and experts in social harm. The interview texts were entered into MAXQDA 20 software, and the conceptual codes, subcategories, and categories were extracted.

Findings

The participants in this study included 20 people (16 youth living in the region and four social harm experts). A total of 45% of the participants were female and 55% were male (see Table 1). Their age ranged from 18 to 35 years.

Table 1

Profile of interview participants
Interview location	education	Marital status	Role	Age	Gender	Row
Office environment	Master	Married	expert	32	female	1
School	middle	Single	impacted by social harms	18	male	2
Park	Primary	Single	impacted by social harms	19	male	3
The Neighbourhood	Bachelor	divorced	impacted by social harms	27	male	4
Park	Diploma	Single	impacted by social harms	20	female	5
Park	Primary	Single	impacted by social harms	23	male	6
Park	Bachelor	Single	impacted by social harms	24	female	7
The Neighbourhood	middle	divorced	impacted by social harms	31	female	8
The Neighbourhood	middle	Married	impacted by social harms	35	male	9
Office environment	Master	Married	expert	30	male	10
The Neighbourhood	Diploma	Single	impacted by social harms	25	female	11
Office environment	Master	Married	expert	33	male	12
Park	Primary	Single	impacted by social harms	35	male	13
The Neighbourhood	Associate	Married	impacted by social harms	25	female	14
Office environment	Bachelor	Married	expert	34	female	15
The Neighbourhood	middle	Single	impacted by social harms	24	male	16
Park	Diploma	Single	impacted by social harms	25	female	17
The Neighbourhood	Diploma	Married	impacted by social harms	27	male	18
The Neighbourhood	Associate	Married	impacted by social harms	22	female	19
The Neighbourhood	Primary	Single	impacted by social harms	31	male	20

After reviewing the interviews, 52 initial codes were extracted. The codes were summarized after several stages of review and were then categorized based on their conceptual similarities and appropriateness. The research themes were classified into four categories, including environmental factors, family factors, cultural factors, and physical and psychological factors aggravating social harms (see Table 2).

Table 2

Coding steps: main categories and subcategories
Main categories	Sub categories
environmental factors aggravating social harms	social instability
environmental factors aggravating social harms	peer influence
family factors aggravating social harms	child abandonment
family factors aggravating social harms	family breakdown
cultural factors aggravating social harms	cultural deprivation
cultural factors aggravating social harms	severe traditionalism
physical and psychological factors aggravating social harms	health problems
physical and psychological factors aggravating social harms	personal breakdown

The environmental factors that exacerbate social harms in marginalized areas consisted of the two subcategories of social instability and peer influence.

A 25-year-old participant, tired of their living environment, commented on population displacement and heterogeneity: “… Fighting over parking space is one of our daily fights. The elderlies say that people who come to Karaj for the first time reside in our neighborhood because the rent is much lower here; we have many Afghan neighbors, or people from the South, Mashhad, Isfahan, the North, etc. We have neighbors from every province. Some of the neighbors wear their traditional local clothing at first when they come here, and little by little their clothes become like ours” (Participant No. 11).

A 34-year-old social harm expert who had a lot of administrative work experience in these marginalized suburbs and had direct contact with people from the neighborhood spoke about the immigration trends and problems in the neighborhood: “… You see, there’s a particular style of clothing in this area; the youth are vulgar and have a special appearance; they use a certain language and even their skin color is dark; and of course, all are immigrants to this region; you don’t feel comfortable here at all if you enter as a stranger; not everyone can live here and survive; it has been neglected by the authorities too much ...” (Participant No. 15).

A 27-year-old participant, who was recently divorced and had many psychological problems in addition to addiction, said regarding the job situation: “… We are not usually renowned in this city and it is very difficult for us to find a job and it doesn’t meet our needs. We are becoming poorer and poorer every day. The location here encourages people to commit crimes …”(Participant No. 4).

A 24-year-old participant, who sought sexual pleasure, commented on the unfavorable living environment: “… Lots of garbage is dumped here; it has become a place for addicts; there are a lot of ex-prisoners and criminals here, people who want to hide themselves come here ...” (Participant No. 7).

Peer influence was another extracted subcategory; instances of this category are presented here.

A 35-year-old participant, who was a drug dealer and user, said about the destructive activities in which he engaged with his peers: “… We, the people of this neighborhood, are people of wrongdoing; we burn down the scraps together and make money. You can’t find a good person here at all ...” (Participant No. 18).

A 30-year-old social harm expert who had a thorough knowledge of their neighborhood, said about the delinquent behaviors of the youth: “… You see a lot of unsuccessful people here; there are many criminals here, and they focus on teenagers for doing wrong things, as they [teenagers] have less experience and knowledge about people in the society. Sometimes some people become drug dealers or some of them are known as bullies ...” (Participant No. 10).

The next participant, who was 19 years old and, in his own words, was a drug and alcohol dealer working with a motorcycle, stated on this subject: “… Here, we have to make our own money; the youngsters deal drugs and liquor, and work in turns. We even make some drugs like heroin here ...” (Participant No. 3).

In these interviews, the participants discussed the conditions and attributes of adolescence and youth and following the example of other peers in marginalized neighborhoods. There are too many unsuccessful role models in these marginalized environments, who play a role in the reproduction and continuation of social harms.

The next category is the family factors aggravating social harms, which has the two subcategories of child abandonment and family breakdown. Some conceptual codes of the child abandonment subcategory are presented here.

A 34-year-old social harm expert who was in direct contact with the people of the neighborhood discussed raising children in the family and said: “… Many people in this neighborhood aren’t supervised by their families and such, and they’re always hanging out with their friends. The families do not care about how they raise their children at all. Bringing up [good] children is completely out of the window in this neighborhood ...” (Participant No. 15).

A 32-year-old social harm expert who had thorough knowledge about their neighborhood, discussed the situation of families in their neighborhood and said: “… The families aren’t very friendly with their children or may not know how to befriend them. Sometimes they may do things that cause their child to go the wrong way even further. Some families have high-risk behaviors themselves that negatively affect their children ...” (Participant No. 1).

A 33-year-old social harm expert discussed parents’ separation and said: “… Divorce has increased in this neighborhood, and due to the parents’ divorce, the children have been abandoned and have entered various jobs and occupations, and many have dropped out of school ...” (Participant No. 12).

Another extracted subcategory was the family breakdown, and some instances of this subcategory are presented here.

A 17-year-old participant, who was a depressed person and whose parents had recently separated, said: “… My parents are separated; I live with my mother; there’s no close relationship between our parents; many families here have fallen apart...” (Participant No. 2).

A 35-year-old participant, who had a history of mischief in the neighborhood said: “… We are faced with countless problems here. We have learned all sorts of behavior from our family; like, I myself started using drugs with my older brother ...” (Participant No. 9).

Based on the findings derived from the interviews, the root of social harm lies in the family and the relationships that govern it. Since, in marginalized areas, the family has the lowest cohesion possible, it has been unable to perform its functions and has caused harm to children and the society in various areas.

The next category is the cultural factors aggravating social harms, which has the two subcategories of cultural deprivation and severe traditionalism. This section presents the conceptual codes extracted from the subcategory of cultural deprivation.

A 34-year-old social harm expert who was engaged in cultural activities, stated: “… Deprivation is dire here in every way. Some cultural, social and health centers can be built in this very neighborhood. For example, schools or mosques can be used for teenagers and youngsters at the end of the day when their own schedules are completed. Besides, we can give teenagers in this region training on things like entrepreneurship and then we can give them the necessary facilities to acquire skills themselves and help their families and use their time properly ...” (Participant No. 15).

A 20-year-old participant, who was a smoker, said about the deficiencies in the neighborhood: “… We do not have many recreational facilities here; we have almost no place to spend our leisure time, except for a few green spaces and a small park and a swimming pool, which is close to the garbage disposal area! This is very small for the large population here; other than that, we do not have any other special entertainments. There’re no such things as a restaurant, coffee shop or cinema as in other neighborhoods ...” (Participant No. 5).

According to the interviews, the residents of these areas suffered from a lack of access to facilities and many cultural inadequacies and were in a way faced with cultural poverty, which intensifies social harms in a neighborhood.

This section presents the conceptual codes extracted on severe traditionalism.

A 23-year-old participant who, in his own words, had a history of mischief and participation in many fights, described the traditional ideas that governed the neighborhood and said: “… This is a poor marginal neighborhood. Our community belongs to the 1980s, cause we solve everything with fights. In these regions, we deal with problems ethnically and tribally, and we are usually not obedient to the government ...” (Participant No. 16).

The results obtained from the analysis of the interviews show that one of the cultural problems of these marginal regions is the traditional ideas that govern the relationships of individuals in them. The marginalized suburbs of Karaj metropolis are settlements for immigrants from other cities and ethnic groups of Iran; therefore, these different neighborhoods have almost preserved their ethnic texture, which means that families with different ethnicities are living next to each other in each of the sub-neighborhoods of these marginal suburbs.

The next category consisted of the physical and psychological causes aggravating social harms, with the two subcategories of health problems and personal breakdown.

This section presents the conceptual codes derived from the subcategory of health problems.

A 30-year-old social harm expert who had ample knowledge about the neighborhood, said regarding the health situation: “… Health harms are abundant here, such as increased garbage disposal in public places, environmental pollution, noise pollution, infectious diseases, etc.” (Participant No. 10).

A 31-year-old participant, who was concerned about his health due to his habit of excessive alcohol consumption and extramarital sexual relationships, said: “… Our environment is not healthy at all; there are many diseases. There’re many cases of hepatitis, and everyone is infected because of drinking or fighting with knives, and there’re many cases of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) too ...” (Participant No. 20).

What can be deduced from the observations and experiences of the interviewees is that marginalized neighborhoods face many health problems, part of which are structural and environmental, and most of the health issues in these regions are due to the lifestyle of marginalized people, which endanger not only their own life and place of residence, but also the metropolises at large.

This section presents the conceptual codes derived from the personal breakdown subcategory.

Regarding his observations about the consequences of marginalization and harm, A 34-year-old social harm expert said: “… The lack of facilities and the inability of families to fulfill [their children’s] dreams have made adolescents engage in activities such as robbery and the like ...” (Participant No. 15).

Regarding the mental state of the people in these neighborhoods, A 32-year-old social harm expert said: “… The people here believe that they are inferior to [people from] other regions; some are frustrated; despair is a massive thing here ...” (Participant No. 1).

Regarding marginalization, A 30-year-old social harm expert said: “… Marginalization means the lack of facilities, and the lack of facilities means yearning, and this yearning can lead to many social problems for people in these regions ...” (Participant No. 10).

According to the findings of this section, adolescents and young people in marginalized areas compare their lives with the life of urban people and learn of the differences and also of their low standards of living, and the cyberspace has caused more awareness in them about this situation, and when a person cannot fathom their life, the outcome might be many social complexes and harms for the residents of these regions.

The study and analysis of adolescents’ social harms and the consequences of these social issues are of particular importance in today’s world, because the increasing prevalence of various harms and disorders is a threat to the health of the society and future generations. Research on health-related social harms in marginalized areas provides not only a coherent and comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon, but is also strong scientific evidence for the community planners, managers, and policymakers to utilize practical programs for reducing and managing the affairs of these marginalized areas, as the negative consequences of marginalization do not only affect these marginalized areas, but also influence urban centers in the form of various harms and problems for the citizens.

Regarding the environmental factors, the findings showed that the structure, nature, and environment of marginalized living constitute the main contributor to social harms and issues for the society, and when paired with the human factor, especially with deviant peers, social disorganization and a challenging society become inevitable. Membership in delinquent groups reflects the greatest degree of the influence of deviant peers (15). Moreover, constructive communication with others creates a sense of belonging, and many problems can be overcome through this strategy, as consistent with the results of studies by Horiniak et al. (6) and Amini et al. (16), indicating the promotion of social capital for empowering marginalized residents and reducing social harm. The social learning theory also supports this process (17, 18). Marginalized areas, however, are deprived of this opportunity.

The family organization is another most challenging cause of harms and problems in marginalized environments, which, according to the present findings, can be classified into the two subcategories of child abandonment and family breakdown. Since the foundation of a well-organized society is the family institution, when this institution is weakened and unable to fulfill its missions, instead of creating opportunities for the growth and development of the family members and the environment, it becomes a breeding ground for harm in the community. Based on experimental research, the children of parents who are unaware of the intricacies of their place of residence and their children’s activities and interactions are more likely to engage in social harm (19). Horiniak et al. (6), Karimi et al. (20), and Amiri et al. (21) also found that the family environment plays a major role in the delinquency of marginalized residents, which is consistent with the findings of the present study. Marginalization, which comes with social harm, also constitutes a cultural challenge. Nonetheless, based on the findings of this research, in addition to cultural deprivation originating from marginalization, the severe traditionalism that governs the actions taken in these areas also causes many social harms, such as violence and fights. The findings of this section are consistent with the results of studies by Aldering and North (7), Zahedi et al. (22), Kamrani and Seifolahi (23), and Zangiabadi and Mubaraki (24). Finally, the consequences of marginalization and its issues in the area of health and with respect to health problems will be plotted. According to the research findings, we face a variety of communicable and non-communicable diseases in these regions, and the rate of these harms multiplies when combined with personal breakdown. The findings of this section are in line with the results of studies by Lucinsa and Yak (5), Thompson et al. (8), Nourbakhsh et al. (25), Rabbani et al. (26), and Naghdi and Zare (27). Therefore, planning to resolve the issues of marginalized neighborhoods is essential, especially by strengthening the infrastructures in smaller cities and promoting prosperity in rural areas to prevent migration. In the next step, measures to empower marginalized families will have a direct impact on the health of the residents of these regions. Awareness about the state of social harms in these areas will also help health policymakers and community planners devise plans to reduce these harms.

According to the findings of this study, the factors contributing to social harms among marginalized residents are rooted in the cultural atmosphere of their place of residence, particularly social instability, and when poor environmental conditions are paired with family disintegration, the cultural atmosphere becomes further dysfunctional, and these issues become manifested in marginalized residents’ personal breakdown and the myriad of health issues and problems they face.

AIDS

Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

Authors' contributions:

ZM and TS carried out the literature review and drafted the manuscript. TS and MS carried out the data analysis and data collection and helped with the review, data analysis and discussion. SE and MN participated in the design of the study and performed the analysis. MN conceived of the study, and participated in its design and coordination and helped to draft the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Conflict of Interest:

The authors have no conflict of interest.

Ethics approval and Consent to participate:

all experimental protocols were approved by a Ethics Committee of Alborz University of Medical Sciences. All procedures performed in this study involving human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee and with the 1964 Helsinki declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards. Informed consent was obtained from the participants before doing the study.

Funding

This study was supported by the Research Center for Social Determinants of Health (SDH), approved by the Research Council and the Ethics Committee of Alborz University of Medical Sciences (IR.ABZUMS.REC.1398.162) to the authors on November 20, 2019.

Informed Consent

Informed consent was obtained from the participants before doing the study.

Data Availability

The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Acknowledgments

This article is extracted from a research project at the Research Center for Social Determinants of Health (SDH), approved by the Research Council and Ethics Committee of Alborz University of Medical Sciences (IR.ABZUMS.REC.1398.162) to the authors on September 20, 2021. Hereby, we wish to express our gratitude to the officials of the center and the staff of the Research and Technology Deputy of Alborz University University of Medical Sciences for their assistance.

Kulis, S. S., Jager, J., Ayers, S. L., Lateef, H., & Kiehne, E. (2016). Substance use profiles of urban American Indian adolescents: a latent class analysis. Substance use & misuse, 51(9), 1159–1173.
Mirmoghtadaee, M. (2012). The relationship between land use, socio-economic characteristics of inhabitants and travel demand in new towns-A case study of Hashtgerd New Town (Iran). International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development, 4(1), 39–62. https://doi.org/10.1080/19463138.2011.652359
Rainaldo, M., Wibawa, B. M., & Rahmawati, Y. (2017). Analisis business model canvas pada operator jasa online ride-sharing (Studi kasus Uber di Indonesia). Jurnal Sains dan Seni ITS, 6(2), D232-D236. https://doi.org/10.12962/j23373520.v6i2.25277
Stanley, L. R., & Swaim, R. C. (2018). Latent classes of substance use among american indian and white students living on or near reservations, 2009–2013. Public Health Reports, 133(4), 432–441. https://doi.org/10.1177/0033354918772053 PMid:29746211 PMCid:PMC6055293
Ivsins, A., & Yake, K. (2020). Looking beyond harm: meaning and purpose of substance use in the lives of marginalized people who use drugs. Drugs: Education, Prevention and Policy, 27(1), 27–36. https://doi.org/10.1080/09687637.2018.1497145
Horyniak, D., Higgs, P., Cogger, S., Dietze, P., Bofu, T., & Seid, G. (2014). Experiences of and attitudes toward injecting drug use among marginalized African migrant and refugee youth in Melbourne, Australia. Journal of ethnicity in substance abuse, 13(4), 405–429. https://doi.org/10.1080/15332640.2014.958639
Eldering, L. Knorth, J. E. (2007). Marginalization of Immigrant Youth and Risk Factor in Their Everyday Lives: The European Experience. Journal of Child and Youth Car Forum, Vol. 27: No. 3, pp. 153–169. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02589561
Thompson, S., Manderson, L., Woelz-Stirling, N., Cahill, A., & Kelaher, M. (2002). The social and cultural context of the mental health of Filipinas in Queensland. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 36(5), 681–687. https://doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1614.2002.01071.x
Zandkarimi, G., Kamelifar, L., & Heshmati-Molaee, N. (2019). Nonviolence communication to reduce stress, anxiety and depression in young iranian women: a randomized experiment. Child and adolescent social work journal, 36(5), 549–555. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10560-018-0584-y Mirbagheri, E, Khademian, T. Investigating the factors affecting the addiction of adolescents and young people aged 12 to 29 years in marginalized areas in 2016 (case study of Pakdasht city). Soc Secur Stud 2016;55:155–86
Ivsins, A., Boyd, J., Mayer, S., Collins, A., Sutherland, C., Kerr, T., & McNeil, R. (2021). "It's Helped Me a Lot, Just Like to Stay Alive": a Qualitative Analysis of Outcomes of a Novel Hydromorphone Tablet Distribution Program in Vancouver, Canada. Journal of Urban Health, 98(1), 59–69. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11524-020-00489-9 PMid:33118145 PMCid:PMC7592642
Kelishadi, R., & Poursafa, P. (2014). A review on the genetic, environmental, and lifestyle aspects of the early-life origins of cardiovascular disease. Current problems in pediatric and adolescent health care, 44(3), 54–72. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cppeds.2013.12.005 PMid:24607261
Mukhtar, M., Dean, J., Wilson, K., Ghassemi, E., & Wilson, D. H. (2016). "But Many of These Problems are About Funds… The Challenges Immigrant Settlement Agencies (ISAs)Encounter in a Suburban Setting in Ontario, Canada. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 17(2), 389–408. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-015-0421-5
Abbott, J. (2002). An analysis of informal settlement upgrading and critique of existing methodological approaches. Habitat international, 26(3), 303–315. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0197-3975(01)00049-2
Graneheim, U. H., & Lundman, B. (2004). Qualitative content analysis in nursing research: concepts, procedures and measures to achieve trustworthiness. Nurse education today, 24(2), 105–112. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nedt.2003.10.001
Abdulkadir, I., Umar, L. W., Musa, H. H., Musa, S., Oyeniyi, O. A., Ayoola-Williams, O. M., & Okeniyi, L. (2011). Child sexual abuse: A review of cases seen at General Hospital Suleja, Niger State. Annals of Nigerian medicine, 5(1), 15. https://doi.org/10.4103/0331-3131.84223
Jonas, A. E., Goetz, A. R., & Bhattacharjee, S. (2014). City-regionalism as a politics of collective provision: Regional transport infrastructure in Denver, USA. Urban Studies, 51(11), 2444–2465. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098013493480
Jernigan, D. H., & Rushman, A. E. (2014). Measuring youth exposure to alcohol marketing on social networking sites: challenges and prospects. Journal of Public Health Policy, 35(1),91–104. https://doi.org/10.1057/jphp.2013.45
Rocheleau, G. C., & Swisher, R. R. (2017). Adolescent work and alcohol use: Moderation by neighborhood context and the role of peers. Deviant behavior, 38(11), 1252–1266. https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2016.1248712
Berard, A. A., & Smith, A. P. (2019). Post your journey: Instagram as a support community for people with fibromyalgia. Qualitative health research, 29(2), 237–247. https://doi.org/10.1177/1049732318789102 PMid:30066603
Velez, M. B., Lyons, C. J., & Boursaw, B. (2012). Neighborhood housing investments and violent crime in Seattle, 1981–2007. Criminology, 50(4), 1025–1056. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9125.2012.00287.x
Zand, A. D., & Heir, A. V. (2021). Environmental impacts of new Coronavirus outbreak in Iran with an emphasis on waste management sector. Journal of Material Cycles and Waste Management, 23(1), 240–247. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10163-020-01123-1 PMCid:PMC7532732
Miller, L. J. (2017). Claims-making from the underside: Marginalization and social problems analysis. In Constructionist controversies (pp. 153–180). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315080505-8
Britton, S. G. (1982). The political economy of tourism in the Third World. Annals of tourism research, 9(3), 331–358. https://doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(82)90018-4
Nekoei-Moghadam, M., Heidari, N., Amiresmaeili, M., & Heidarijamebozorgi, M. (2019). Identifying the health problems of slum residents using social determinants of health: Kerman, Iran. The International journal of health planning and management, 34(2), e1179-e1187. https://doi.org/10.1002/hpm.2755 PMid:30762906
Moradkhani, S., & Haghi, S. (2017). Context-based sources of EFL teachers' self-efficacy: Iranian public schools versus private institutes. Teaching and Teacher Education, 67, 259–269. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tate.2017.06.019
Rudmin, F. W. (2003). Critical history of the acculturation psychology of assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalization. Review of general psychology, 7(1), 3–37. https://doi.org/10.1037/1089-2680.7.1.3
Arefi, M. (2018). Learning from Informal Settlements in Iran: Models, Policies, Processes, and Outcomes. Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78408-3

No competing interests reported.

Download PDF

Version 1

posted

You are reading this latest preprint version

Exploring the Factors That Influence Social Harm Related to Youth Health in The Suburbs of Karaj, Iran: A Qualitative Study

Status:

Version 1

Abstract

Background

Methods

Results

Conclusion

Background

Methods

Type of study

Setting

Study participants and sampling

Data Collection

Procedure

Findings

Discussion

Conclusion

Abbreviations

Declarations

References

Additional Declarations

Status:

Version 1