The current study estimated subjects’ cognitive and physical age-gaps using a machine learning paradigm and studied these age-gaps in relation to a diverse range of behavioral phenotypes. The prediction metrics suggested that both age-prediction models generalized reasonably well to unseen subjects. The age-gap-associated behavioral profiles we have identified were mostly in line with our expectations; older cognitive and physical age-gaps were associated with poorer well-being and more negative attitudes, even if some of these associations do not reach statistical significance. Both types of age-gaps were also significantly correlated with each other. Additionally, our results also revealed significant physical and cognitive age-gap differences between participants with MCI and their normal aging counterparts. Overall, these findings identified comprehensive behavioral profiles in relation to accelerated cognitive and physical aging, and reinforced the link between both domains of aging.
Older age-gaps, especially physical age-gaps, were associated with poorer well-being, in terms of higher levels of depressive and anxiety symptoms, lower quality of life, and perceived health. While the cross-sectional nature of these findings prevents one from inferring the causal relationships, we speculate that the well-being-related consequences could occur as psychological reactions to the decline in physical and cognitive abilities 36. Additionally, it is also plausible that the chronic stressors that worsen one’s well-being is linked to increased inflammation and a weakened immune system, thus putting one at risk for a wide range of health-related conditions and accelerating the age-related decline37,38 in physical and cognitive functions 39.
Older age-gaps were also observed to be associated with more negative attitudes about themselves and others— such as having a more pessimistic view of loss and growth, and less gratitude toward others. Similar explanations could account for such observations—these negative attitudes could arise as psychological reactions to the decline in physical and cognitive health. To some extent, these attitudes also resemble Beck’s cognitive triad— negative thoughts about the self, world, and future, and may predispose one to depression. Notwithstanding the health-related consequences of depression, negative appraisals alone can increase cortisol output and down-regulate immune system activity 40. On a chronic basis, such immune system-related consequences will exacerbate brain aging 39, and by extension cognitive aging. It is interesting to note that cognitive, compared to physical age-gaps, were more strongly related to negative attitudes, alluding to a possibility that cognitive aging may act on these attitudes in a different and perhaps more direct manner. In relation to this, one longitudinal study 41 showed that among older adults participants with high baseline levels of hopelessness, those who had better cognitive flexibility, as measured via a Stroop test, eventually felt less hopeless 10 months later. These results were interpreted to suggest that greater cognitive flexibility may enable one to be more receptive to contradictory evidence which could help to modify their pessimistic attitudes. Hence, when cognitive flexibility is impaired due to accelerated cognitive aging, it is likely that negative attitudes would become more resistant to change.
Compared to the well-being and attitudes-related outcomes, the lifestyle-related outcomes were not as strongly linked to both age-gaps. This could be due to the fact that these lifestyle-related outcomes were measured via self-reported assessments, which were largely subjected to retrospective recall bias. Such bias could affect the lifestyle-related measurements, more so than those of attitudes and well-being, due to the need to recall very specific details such as the frequency of behaviors, as well as onset and end times of events (e.g., sleep and physical activity). Counter-intuitively, less frequent consumption of alcohol was linked to older age-gaps. Apart from the issues associated with self-reported measurements, other possible explanations can account for this counter-intuitive result. First, increased alcohol consumption may reflect the participants’ higher socioeconomic status, especially since alcohol is relatively more expensive in the local context due to the liquor tax. Additionally, such alcohol consumption may also take place in the context of social interactions; thus alcohol consumption can be seen as an indirect measure of social interaction42. In relation to this possibility, one study reported older participants who drank alcohol 4 to 7 days a week, compared to those who do not consume alcohol in the past 3 months, felt significantly less lonely 43. Consequently, frequent alcohol consumption would likely predict better cognitive and physical health, on account of the indirect effects of higher socioeconomic status and more frequent social interactions44,45.
The significantly older cognitive age-gaps observed among participants with MCI are very much expected, since one of the criteria for the diagnosis requires the individual to score significantly lower, in one or multiple cognitive tests, than what would be expected of their age. Furthermore, bias-corrected physical age-gaps were also significantly older in MCI than in normal aging, though to a lesser extent. This partly reflects the small but significant association between cognitive and physical aging, as we have shown in our results. Longitudinal research 46 has shown that physical fitness protects one from MCI and dementia. Physical fitness alludes to regular physical exercises, which increase the circulating levels of brain-derived neurotrophic factor, insulin-like growth factor 1, and vascular endothelial growth factor. These growth factors facilitate the repair and regeneration of the brain 47, and thus are involved in the maintenance of cognitive health.
Overall, the current research presents some important implications. First, we identified several behavioral phenotypes that were associated with older physical and cognitive age-gaps. These findings will help to narrow down the search for modifiable behavioral and psychological factors that can be targeted in future interventions to slow cognitive and physical aging. Next, our results pertaining to the differences in cognitive age-gaps between MCI and normal aging validated the use of cognitive age-gaps in the neurocognitive diagnostic context. Essentially, cognitive age-gaps can be used as a single metric to characterize cognitive health meaningfully and objectively. Such age-gaps can be easily understood and interpreted even among laypersons. This is in stark contrast to the conventional and cumbersome use of multiple normed z-scores, which may appear somewhat abstract to laypersons. For instance, it is difficult to imagine what it means to have an impaired test score of 1.5 standard deviations below the mean. If we could quantify the cognitive impairment in terms of age-gaps, it would certainly help the diagnosed individual understand their situation more meaningfully.
The current study is subjected to some limitations. First, we excluded a significant proportion of the participants (~ 11%) due to incomplete data. There may be a possible selection bias, as the excluded sample (mean age = 69.7; mean years of education = 13.1) was significantly (ps ≤ .003) older and less educated than the included sample (mean age = 67.6; mean years of education = 11.5). Second, the cross-sectional nature of the study does not permit one to determine the causal relationships between age-gaps and behavioral phenotypes. Third, all lifestyle-related phenotypes included in the current study were measured using self-reports, which can be relatively less accurate among older participants due to the age-related decline in recall abilities, particularly in MCI 48. Future studies may consider using wearables to track lifestyle-related outcomes, such as sleep and physical activity, more objectively.