Absence from work – or absenteeism – is much higher in the public than in the private sector, and this difference cuts across national borders and is stable over time (Mastekaasa 2020). Furthermore, absenteeism is one of the costliest challenges facing the public sector, at all levels (Miraglia & Johns, 2021). The costs come at the individual level in the form of reduced income, both directly as public or private insurances only rarely compensate fully for ordinary wage, and more indirectly through lost tenure. They come at the group level in the form of instability and unpredictability for work groups, and the need for colleagues to “step in” and work extra time to fulfill necessary tasks and function. Costs are also evident for organizations as they need to mobilize resources to fill in vacancies, pay compensation to absent employees while also paying for substitutes and overtime. And finally, absenteeism represents great costs for society in the form of lost working days, and thus general productivity (Gimeno et al., 2014; Harrison & Martocchio, 1998).
Disregarding planned absence where the intention to be absent is registered before the actual absence – i.e., absence from work due to holidays, vacations, pregnancy leaves and the like – most attention has been devoted to involuntary absence, usually in the form of sickness absence. Sickness absence is defined as the “(…) absence from work due to ill health” (Bernstrom & Houkes, 2018:5). As most countries have arrangements allowing employees to stay away from work based on their own judgement, this definition opens for both doctor certified and self-reported illness, again blurring the line between “real” sickness absence and truancy.
Unsurprisingly, much research has been devoted to identifying causes of absenteeism, with a further aim to find effective means to reduce it. It has become clear that sickness absence can`t be fully explained as an employee`s incapacity to work caused by sickness but needs to be understood as complex phenomenon that is influenced by several factors at different levels (Antczak & Miszczynska, 2021). This includes individual characteristics like gender, education, personal health and lifestyle (Fitzgerald et al., 2016; Gohar et al., 2021; Mastekaasa & Olsen, 1998), family related conditions (Antai et al., 2015; Sabbath et al., 2012), work and organizational characteristics (Barmby & Stephan, 2000; Bouville et al., 2018; Griep et al., 2010), sector and business employment (Antczak & Miszczynska, 2021; Hansen et al., 2019; Mastekaasa, 2020), and national differences including institutional arrangements for registering and compensating absence from work (Frick & Malo, 2008; Livanos & Zangelidis, 2013; Peretz & Fried, 2012).
Little research has, however, focused on the relationship between number of working hours and absenteeism, even though organizations vary widely on their use of overtime (Blagoev et al., 2018; Kunisch et al., 2021), and part-time work (Kalleberg, 2000). For instance, in their scoping review of research on causes for absenteeism, (Miraglia & Johns, 2021) do not mention working hours as an organization level antecedent. And even though the use of part-time versus full-time employment can be regarded as an important part of any organization’s “Human Resource Management architecture” (Lepak & Snell, 1999), there is almost no empirical research to investigate whether this employment type is connected to one of the greatest costs for any organization: absenteeism.
Links between absenteeism and working hours is of particular interest for the public sector. The main reason for this is that part time work is particularly common in organizations dependent on 24/7 functioning, and thus includes most large health organizations like emergency care, hospitals, and other health institutions, most of them – at least in Europe - public organizations (Benschop et al., 2013, Cook & Bartram 2015). It is also known that public organizations have a higher rate of sickness absence (Mastekaasa, 2016).
Most research on the connection between working hours and absence from work has been focused on overtime (working more than “normal”) (Bernstrom & Houkes, 2018). Still, we know little on the eventual links between part-time work (working less than “normal”) and absence. Moreover, the findings from empirical studies are “highly inconclusive” (Bernstrom & Houkes, 2018:6). Some report part-time employment (PTE) to be associated with higher absenteeism (Flach, Groothoff, Krol, & Bültmann, 2012; Gjesdal & Bratberg, 2002; Gjesdal & Bratberg, 2003; Kaerlev, Jacobsen, Olsen, & Bonde, 2004), while other report no significant association between the two (Flach, Krol, & Groothoff, 2008; Niedhammer, Chastang, & David, 2008; Smulders, 1993). A few studies conclude that PTE is associated with lower absenteeism (Dionne & Dostie, 2007; Grobe, 2016).
One reason for these inconclusive findings may be that most of this research is conducted on the individual level. Given that part time work may have different and even conflicting effects on absenteeism for different persons (Jacobsen & Fjeldbraaten, 2020), positive and negative effects may balance each other out at the aggregate level. Moreover, research conducted at the organizational level or meso-level are scarce. This is somewhat surprising as such studies may be more apt at finding what is the aggregate effects of an organizational arrangement at the level of all employees. Even though a large body of research on linkages between absenteeism and organizational factors like job design (Väänänen et al., 2003), balance between job demands and resources (Clausen et al., 2014a & b; Schaufeli et al., 2009), temporality of work (shift work) (Jacobsen & Fjeldbraaten, 2018; Tüchsen et al., 2008), leadership (Lokke 2022; Nyberg et al., 2008), and job autonomy (Grund & Rubin, 2021; Kottwitz et al., 2018), the effects are still mainly measured at the individual level, treating absence as an individual decision (Allebeck & Mastekaasa, 2004; de Rijk, 2013).
In this study we move the analysis to the organizational level, studying the use of aggregate part-time work and sickness absence in Norwegian municipalities over a time-period of six years (panel data). Although working part-time may or may not be an individual decision (one cannot find a full-time job), staying away from work will always be an individual decision. This decision may be voluntary in the sense that one is able to go to work but decides to stay at home or do something else. And it may be involuntary in the sense that one wants to go to work, but it is impossible because of sickness or other factors hindering the person (Alexanderson, 1998; Hensing et al., 1998).
Thus, explaining sickness absence at the organizational level will have to rely on micro-processes taking place at the individual level (AMJ, 2022). Sickness absence at the organizational level is then the sum of the individual sickness absence, or the aggregate of the individual decisions to go to work or not. An eventual link between sickness absence and part-time work at the organizational level must be explained by mechanisms functioning at the individual level. Several speculations, based in different theories of human behavior, have been put forward to explain any link between part time work and absenteeism. For simplicity’s sake, we here divide them into positive (part time will reduce absenteeism) and negative (part time will increase absenteeism) linkages.
Starting with the positive effects, organizations offering part-time work can be regarded as providing flexible work schedules (Gascoigne & Kelliher, 2017), making it easier for employees to strike the right balance between work and family/leisure. Studies based in theories on work-family balance or conflict (Netemeyer et al., 1996), tend to assume that working part time is a way to improve the balance between demands from home and from work (Allen et al., 2000; Benschop et al., 2013; Fein & Skinner, 2015; Higgins et al., 2000; Jansen et al., 2006; Olsen & Dahl, 2008). Organizations with a higher level of part time workers may thus represent a working environment with greater possibilities for easing the potential conflict between work and home and should thus result in reduced absenteeism. The above argument assumes that employees freely can choose how many hours they will work (voluntary part time). In many instances, this will not be the case (Kamerāde & Richardson, 2017). Rather, employees will often have no other choice, but the number of hours offered by the organization. This may result in a situation where employees end up working fewer hours than wanted (involuntary part time). As noted by (Jacobsen & Fjeldbraaten, 2020:132), this may set employees in a situation where they “(…) will be more hesitant to take some days off as this might impair future possibilities of getting a higher percentage of work.” Working less than wanted may thus have a disciplining effect on employees, increasing their presenteeism.
Part time work may also reduce the physical and psychic strain for many employees. Previous research has indicated quite clearly that probabilities for developing both physical and mental problems increase with the number of hours worked (Bannai & Tamakoshi, 2014; Sparks et al., 1997), and that a reduction in working hours seems to reduce both physical and mental problems for employees (Voglino et al., 2022). Although most of these studies focus on working longer hours than “normal” (usually defined as the standard number of hours per week defined in the national legislation and/or agreements between labor unions and employers’ unions), they may also be relevant for employees working less than “normal”. Finally, there may be just a statistical artefact explaining why part time workers may have lower absenteeism than full time workers. Part time workers will usually also work fewer days during a week or month. Thus, there will also be a higher probability for these employees that sickness will strike them on days that they are not expected to work. The more days one is working, the higher the statistical probability of being sick on one of the working days.
Moving to the negative effects of part time on sickness absence, the most common explanation seems to be lack of integration in the organization (Clausen et al., 2014a & b; Jacobsen, 2000; Jacobsen & Fjeldbraaten, 2020). Most studies following this line of reasoning are based in theories related to partial inclusion (Katz & Kahn, 1978; Kwon & van Jaarsveld, 2013) and organizational commitment (Allen & Meyer, 1996; Mowday et al., 1982), especially affective organizational commitment (AOC) (Loughlin & Murray, 2012; Mercurio, 2015). As AOC usually is a result of organizational socialization, working less than normal will almost automatically expose the employee less to the organizational elements central in the socialization process: colleagues, management, and clientele. Thus, part time work may entail lower affective commitment. And, as several studies have shown that high AOC is linked to low absenteeism (Clausen et al., 2014b; Hausknecht et al., 2008; Schalk, 2011), we will expect that organizations with more part time workers will exhibit lower levels of AOC and thus higher levels of sickness absence.
A second negative effect may come through an attraction/selection process where employees with health problems are actively applying for jobs in organizations where they know that they will be offered part time work. Studies have indicated that people with health problems apply for positions in organizations where they expect job pressure to be lower (Mastekaasa, 2020). As job pressure probably will be lower the less hours one is working, one could also expect potential employees with health problems to seek out organizations with part time jobs. This again will increase the probability of absenteeism as bad health is unequivocally linked to higher absenteeism. A variant of the selection/attraction mechanism is that part time jobs are mainly occupied by females, mainly married women and women with children (Bachmann et al., 2022). This is probably linked to work-family conflict/balance as women still are the ones primarily taking responsibility for home and children. Furthermore, there is solid evidence that sickness absence is higher for women than for men (Allebeck & Mastekaasa, 2004), both across sectors (Hansen et al., 2019; Mastekaasa, 2020), occupations, and nations (Kwon, 2020). Therefore, one should expect organizations with many part-time jobs to employ more women, and thus to have higher absence rates. A final variant of the selection/attraction mechanism is that part time jobs seem to be occupied by employees with lower education than what one finds in full time jobs (Kauhanen, 2008). Several studies indicate that lower levels of education are related to higher levels of absenteeism (Clausen et al., 2014b; Hammig & Bauer, 2013; Kristensen et al., 2010). Again, we will assume that organization with high levels of part time jobs will attract more employees with lower levels of education, resulting in higher levels of absenteeism.
As both empirical research, and theoretical expectations and mechanisms are conflicting, is it difficult to have any clear expectations on whether organizations with extensive use of part-time work, will have higher or lower sickness absence than organizations basing their employment relations on full-time work.