Child malnutrition continues to be a significant global public health concern. Roughly 155 million preschool children were recorded in 2016 as being stunted (too short for their age against internal standards), which represents growth failure at some point in their life from conception through to 5 years of age. (1) While the trend is downward at a global level, progress in resolving malnutrition is patchy geographically (with Africa and South Asia lagging behind the rest of the world) and too slow. As a result, generations of children in mostly low-income countries continue to face the many health risks, impaired psychosocial development, impeded educational attainment and longer-term economic hurdles associated with malnutrition.(2)
The international community has responded to this challenge by agreeing to a United Nations-endorsed Decade of Action for Nutrition (2016-2025).(3) Among the targets set for this decade was a 40% reduction in the number of children who are stunted by 2025, to be achieved by an effective consolidation and alignment of international actions and actors.(2),(4). A set of targeted interventions have been agreed, such as accelerating the promotion of exclusive breastfeeding, greater coverage of ante-natal care services, and increasing the access of vulnerable consumers to foods fortified with key vitamins and minerals.(5)
However, while there is broad agreement on many of the technical components of these kinds of programmatic actions for nutrition, it is also widely agreed that successful interventions are ones that are implemented in a conducive or ‘enabling’ policy environment. That is, individual programs are generally cost-effective and sustained if supported by appropriate “structures and policies amenable to project goals.”(6),(7),(8) That is because interventions do not operate in a vacuum; they are implemented in a context that has institutional and individual (human capacity) characteristics that shape how professionals, and non-government stakeholder partners, are able to carry out their responsibilities. This is where “governance” comes in. The ability of countries to effectively translate policies on paper into desired outcomes on the ground is key to the achievement of national goals. Weak governance has been repeatedly identified as a threat to achieving national and global nutrition goals.(9), For example, a recent review of 75 studies on the drivers of effective action by governments found that an inability to implement even well-designed policies for nutrition was often linked to” the absence of institutional ownership for nutrition, and institutional failure.”(10)
Unfortunately, the study of governance (successes or failures) has been hampered by the lack of agreed metrics for empirically measuring the processes involved. Most of the literature pertaining to nutrition governance is based in qualitative interviews with key informants and/or desk reviews of the presence/absence of key policy documents and legislation that would be supportive of national nutrition goals. There have been few attempts to establish more quantifiable metrics that could be compared across country situations or monitored over time.(11),(12),(13) In their review of the state of evidence on processes that underpin political and policy successes for nutrition, Gillespie et al. (2013) concluded that “analyses about how to shape and sustain enabling environments is essential”, and that “the collection of credible metrics …is desperately needed in this area.”(6)
This paper seeks to address that important gap by introducing a novel metric for assessing the effectiveness of nutrition governance at all levels of administrative responsibility, from central level line ministry down to grassroots services providers on the ground. Using empirical data collected in Nepal, we used a principal component analysis (PCA) approach to calculate a nutrition governance index based on participants’ weighted responses on many different facets of governance. We then validated the tool using a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The goal of this work is to demonstrate that this new metric offers insights of potential value to both researchers and policymakers keen to gain an improved understanding of how complex multi-institutional policies on paper are translated into practice.
Measuring Nutrition Governance
Defining metrics of governance is a challenge.(6) Decision making within and across governments is typically opaque, decisions usually emerge over time rather than appear fully formed as discrete events, and there are many hurdles to “accessing the many different, geographically widespread actors, individuals, groups and networks involved in policy processes.”(14) As a result, most attempts at standardizing measures of nutrition governance have used national level benchmarks based on available data, such as the presence or absence of certain kinds of policy documents, budgetary allocations, and staffing levels.(15),(16) The three recent and widely cited approaches are i) the World Health Organization’s Nutrition Governance Index, ii) the Hunger and Nutrition Commitment Index (HANCI), and iii) the Political Commitment (for Nutrition) Rapid Assessment Tool. Each is reviewed briefly below.
Nutrition Governance Index
In its global analysis of governments’ readiness to accelerate actions on nutrition, the World Health Organization chose to focus on the concepts of ‘commitment’ (willingness to act) and ‘capacity’ (readiness to act).(16) These parameters were chosen because they provide salient insight into the nature of organizational entities and the characteristics of individuals tasked with delivering improved nutrition at country level. The level of a government’s commitment was assessed in terms of political acknowledgement of the problem, the existence of relevant policies, and resource mobilization at central level (along with budgetary alignment at sub-national level).(16) Capacity was determined in relation to the skills, knowledge, satisfaction and motivation, accountability and freedom of action of individual professionals (staff) within responsible organizations. The review of 54 countries highlighted a huge number of “gaps in the design, content and implementation of policies”, while concluding that a fundamental constraint is the lack of appropriate measures or indicators that would help understand a) roles and responsibilities of individuals and organizations, b) the capacity and areas of competence required of the responsible workforce, and c) metrics of process (not just outcomes) to allow for improved nutrition governance.(17)
A total of 11 indicators were pulled together for 36 low- and middle-income countries with the highest burden of child stunting; the indicators were equally weighted, to generate a simple index from 0 to 11.(18) The “strength of nutrition governance” was arbitrarily classified as ‘weak’ for countries scoring from 0 to 6.9, ‘medium’ for those scoring from 7 to 9.9, and ‘strong’ for those scoring from 10 to 11.0. Using 2007/08 data, 10 countries were classified as having ‘strong’ nutrition governance, including Peru, Malawi and Vietnam (all countries that have made great strides in reducing the prevalence of stunting since the 1990s), while 12 had ‘weak’ nutrition governance, including Cambodia, Mali and Pakistan. Countries facing the persistent challenges of armed conflict were all in the weak category, including Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).(18)
While the ranking of countries is intuitive, this approach to determining effective governance is limited by its lack of granularity; that is, its inability to differentiate across sectors of government activity or below the national (central) level of government. It is also unable to determine which facets of governance appear to be more, or less, related to policy-driven actions. For example, analysts cannot differentiate among potentially conflicting processes since countries like Cambodia and Ghana identified as having “weak nutrition governance” were still rated as “on track” to meet global nutrition goals, while a state like Burkina Faso was reported as making “no progress” towards such goals despite a ‘strong’ rating for nutrition governance. Furthermore, being based on official data collated at national level there is limited change across years.
Hunger and Nutrition Commitment Index (HANCI)
The HANCI (sometimes shortened in the literature to the Nutrition Commitment Index, or NCI) was developed to rank governments on their political commitment to tackling undernutrition while seeking to measure what governments achieve and where they fail. This index ranked 45 countries according to 22 indicators grouped under 3 themes: public expenditure, policies and programmes, and legislative agendas. Like the WHO metric of nutrition governance, HANCI decouples its indicators from outcomes; that is, it focuses on measures of ‘input’ (such as spending on nutrition) rather than on ‘outcomes’ (such as levels of stunting). Rather than allocating equal weight to all indicators, the authors give greater weights (subjectively) to aspects of governance that appear to have more relevance to nutrition than others – such as granting implementation into law of the International Code of Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes a higher weight than simply having a dedicated line for nutrition in the national budget.(15)
The 2014 version of HANCI rated Peru, Malawi and Guatemala as the nations with greatest commitment to nutrition; Cambodia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Yemen and the DRC all ranked poorly (as with the WHO index) as having “very low commitment.”(19) This shows close accord with the WHO rankings, but again suffers the problem of lack of granularity at sub-national level. As the authors themselves have noted, while such metrics offer insight into “the general quality of public administration in a country”, this offers little that is specific to nutrition or to the quality of the process of implementation of policies where they exist.(15)
Political Commitment (for Nutrition) Rapid Assessment Tool
The ‘tool’ developed by Fox et al. (2015) was designed not to rank countries, but to offer deeper insight into individual countries’ depth of political commitment to food security and nutrition.(20) The authors emphasize that “political commitment for food and nutrition is rarely adequately defined or empirically measured”, leading to recommended questions that could be used to assess national commitment to nutrition. These cover not just political level commitment, but also policies, organizational structures, funding for programmes, and the legal and regulatory environment. The draft tool was piloted in 10 low income countries in 2012, and revised in 2013. Some questions are yes/no, with a yes worth a score of 1; other questions allow for a range of relative responses from 1 through 10. For the latter questions (on a scale), a response of 7 or higher was allocated a 1, and for questions relating to budgets (with a 0 to 3), a response of 3 was assigned a 1. The total score possible is 51.
In the test with 10 countries, the Philippines and Columbia were among the highest rated, while Vietnam and Bangladesh fell towards the bottom of the ranking.(20) Unlike the previous two example metrics, however, this approach allows for discrimination among the various elements that make up the final score, making it more useful to any analysis of the elements of governance that are stronger or weaker. Nevertheless, it still relies mainly on an assessment of information that exists at national level that may or may not relate directly to a government’s ability to implement pro-nutrition policies and programmes.
The alternative approach proposed in this paper focuses on an empirical compilation of information derived through in-person surveys with professionals and other stakeholders holding positions and responsibilities for achieving specific nutrition goals. In this sense, the nutrition governance score is more directly based on what people know, think and do in relation to their responsibilities, from sub-national level down to field level. The next section elaborates on the approach used.