Based on a quasi-experimental design and using a national survey sample of Medicare beneficiaries, we found that the ACA, with its focus on the dual-eligible population, appeared to have a measurable and positive effect on SNAP participation among low-income older Medicare enrollees. Specifically, we observed a change in trend difference in the probability of SNAP enrollment from the pre- to post-intervention period to be 17.4 percentage points higher among low-income older Medicare enrollees compared to the low-income, SNAP-eligible younger individuals.
Historically, eligible older adults have enrolled in SNAP at much lower levels compared to other age groups[38] despite SNAP’s potential benefit in reducing food insecurity and poverty[3] and the fact that dual eligibles are generally deemed the most vulnerable population in the US public health system [9]. It is plausible that dual-eligible individuals may be particularly hesitant to enroll in Medicaid, even when in need and would benefit from enrollment, because of perceived or realized stigma or other negative views of the program. For instance, health care for Medicaid recipients is often delayed or even refused [39]. Other evidence suggests that welfare stigma may adversely affect whether eligible individuals participate in government assistance programs such as SNAP [40]. It is possible that this stigma could be worse among poor older adults. If correct, this factor could discourage enrollment in means-tested welfare programs [41]. Despite these considerations, our study suggests that the ACA’s streamlining of the Medicaid application process for dual eligibles potentially boosted SNAP enrollment among low-income older Medicare beneficiaries. Nevertheless, many dually eligible individuals continue to remain unenrolled and further action may be warranted to address the remaining low SNAP participation among eligible seniors.
Some eligible older adults might believe that they do not need SNAP because they are receiving other benefits through government programs, including social security, which could generate an income effect [21]. Further, it is also likely that some older dual eligibles may be unaware of SNAP’s benefits or do not know how to apply for them, despite being in need [42]. Given that SNAP applications are available online in at least 44 states [19, 26], associated government workers, public health practitioners, other stakeholders, and outreach programs could help eligible seniors with SNAP applications by providing detailed assistance to apply, or at least provide relevant information and materials for that purpose. Evidence shows that most older adults who benefit from SNAP do live alone, and more than half are poor with little or no income [19]. Therefore, enrollment assistance and the average $1,248/year or $104/month of SNAP benefits could provide most of those who are eligible with necessary nutrition. Furthermore, offering additional assistance programs (e.g., Supplemental Security Income) or support mechanisms (e.g., transportation, social support, etc.) concurrently could enhance enrollment.
We found that among low-income White and Asian Medicare beneficiaries the likelihood of SNAP participation, after the policy change, increased by 13.7 PP and 40.8 PP, respectively; however, such results were not shown among older low-income Black Medicare beneficiaries. Evidence suggests that African Americans, on average, have a higher level of mistrust of governmental programs likely tied to a long history of social, systematic, and structural racism that may reduce participation in public welfare programs [43, 44]. The African Americans on average belong to the lowest family/individual income category among all racial and ethnic groups, except for Native Americans, and are more likely to be food insecure [45]. Thus, reducing or eliminating barriers to participating in SNAP would provide significant health and societal benefits [3].
Our finding that the ACA increased SNAP participation among the lower-income older population suggests that similar future policies that link enrollment to multiple programs may lead to increased enrollment in SNAP. Policymakers should consider such policies, especially for those who are the most at risk of adverse health outcomes. Other studies also suggest that policies that are designed to reduce stigma for individuals in obtaining government assistance would also likely be of benefit. For instance, policies could be structured to provide universal meals, electronic or digital SNAP benefits, and unrestricted food choices among SNAP participants [46]. Finally, our finding that the ACA did not result in a differential increase in SNAP participation among older African American Medicare beneficiaries also points to the critical need to study and implement additional measures beyond those currently enacted under the ACA that are aimed at addressing disparities and ensuring equity in uptake for dual eligible African Americans.
The findings from the present study should be interpreted given several limitations. First, although we used a quasi-experimental design, the study approach may not fully explain the exact mechanism through which SNAP participation increased among low-income older Medicare enrollees. Second, there may be other related but unmeasured factors that were not adjusted for due to data limitations (e.g., household size, food insecurity status, receipt of social support). Third, although the study was based on a well-established model, the Program Logic Model, we cannot rule out the possibility of missing relevant, important factors influencing the results [28]. Fourth and finally, due to limited data, we were unable to include State-level information in the analysis; however, this was not required in our comparative ITS design, as this study focused on the potential impact of the policy or intervention by the Dual Office, not Medicaid expansion per se, the latter of which varies across the States. These and other limitations provide opportunities for future research.