Across countries, the ability to raise finance is a crucial constraint facing innovative-oriented entrepreneurs (Economidou, Grilli, Henrekson, & Sanders, 2018). In this study, I set out to examine the effect of financial systems on the share of a nation's start-ups that are innovative-oriented. Innovative-oriented start-ups introduce a new product or service based on knowledge and intangible assets (Audretsch, Bönte, & Mahagaonkar, 2012). Still, the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor has operationalised innovative start-ups also to include those that introduce products and services into their local market that are not necessarily new on the global front (Koellinger, 2008). These innovative activities are often associated with uncertainty and information asymmetry. To overcome these, entrepreneurs turn to numerous other service providers (Lundvall, 2007; Winter, 2007); not least are financial service providers (Hall & Lerner, 2010). One might expect a country's financial system to affect its proportion of innovative-oriented start-ups directly.
But while the financial system directly impacts a nation's proportion of growth-oriented start-ups (Bowen & De Clercq, 2008), it appears to impact innovative-oriented start-ups only under certain conditions (Chowdhury, Audretsch & Belitski, 2018; Yan & Guan, 2018). This confirms arguments that there is a clear distinction between innovative and other forms of entrepreneurship, with only a minority of the country's entrepreneurs who innovate (Autio et al., 2014; Darnihamedani & Block, 2018). Still, we have little understanding of why this might be so.
It has been suggested that innovation requires structured interaction between system actors (Lundvall, 1992; Nelson & Winter, 1982). At a country level, I turn to the national business systems perspective (Whitley, 1999), and I combine this with the resource-based view (Barney, 1991) to argue that when the state or skill development system is weak, a strong financial system can continue to maintain high shares of innovative entrepreneurial activity. The national business systems perspective proposes interactions between institutions such as the state, the financial system, the skill development system, and informal trust type institutions. Furthermore, the resource-based view (Barney, 1991) helps us predict the nature of the interaction. This view suggests that certain capabilities, such as those available within the financial system, take on greater value under challenging circumstances: for example when risks cannot be shared adequately because certain institutions are weak. As a country-level resource, financial systems become especially valuable when entrepreneurial risks increase, likely for a weak state and a weak skill development system. This leads us to argue that the financial system substitutes for weaknesses in other institutions.
The above argument is supported by an analysis of a panel data set comprising 283 country-year data over five years. This study contributes to a stream of research about the context for entrepreneurial aspirations or entrepreneurship quality (Bowen & De Clercq, 2008; Chowdhury et al., 2018; Stenholm, Acs, & Wuebker, 2013). In particular, it builds on prior arguments that the resource-based view provides stronger explanations of strategic economic activity when integrated with institutional theory (Oliver, 1997). Though it has long been recognised that innovations develop out of the efforts of multiple actors (for example, Lundvall, 1992), this study provides empirical confirmation of an idea seldom tested: the interplay required between systems components, such as institutions, for example, to increase innovative national capacity. This systems perspective of institutions moves attention from linear to interactive thinking about innovative entrepreneurship (Lundvall & Borrás, 2005; Pezeshkan, Smith, Stav, & Amirmahmood, 2016). Interestingly, but deserving of further research, this study's arguments and findings imply that innovative-oriented and growth-oriented entrepreneurs, though both considered manifestations of aspirational entrepreneurship, might deserve separate analysis because they do not appear to respond similarly to financial institutions.
Theory And Hypotheses
As a nation's financial resource, financial systems can be viewed as a generic resource that can be converted into the human, technological and other inputs required for innovation (Dollinger, 2008; Schneider & Veugelers, 2010). Actors are competent at assessing the risks facing SMEs and can help alleviate SMEs' innovation constraints and increase their access to external finance (Beck & Demirguc-Kunt, 2006); they can also help source finance from other private actors who may be willing to invest but lacking investment knowledge (Kenney & Patton, 2010). Strong financial systems also attract foreign direct investment, which also helps to stimulate entrepreneurship (Munemo, 2017). Strong financial systems also possess competencies in structuring finance for the R&D activities necessary for innovation (Pradhan, Arvin, Hall, & Nair, 2016).
Nevertheless, current evidence indicates that a country's financial system affects innovative entrepreneurship only under certain conditions. Chowdhury et al. (2018) looked at the effect of financial development on productive entrepreneurship across countries and found a positive relationship only for developing countries. Notably, their measure of productive entrepreneurship included not just the percentage of firms involved in total entrepreneurship activity that introduced a product new to the market but also had total patent applications in the country; and the percentage of firms engaged in entrepreneurial activity that aimed to create at least six jobs over the next five years. Other researchers, such as Yan and Guan (2018), found that financial capital positively affects innovative-oriented start-ups only when high entrepreneurial attention is high. Entrepreneurial attention is a cognitive resource that assists a country's entrepreneurs in perceiving new opportunities (Gifford, 1992). It appears that entrepreneurial attention might fall under the influence of cultural-cognitive institutions.
Scholars who have studied firm innovation from a national business systems perspective have recognized that a country's financial system acts together with other institutions (e.g., Pezeshkan et al., 2016; Rana & Allen, 2018). These scholars urge us to consider institutions not as isolated components of the business system but as configurations that complement or substitute for one another. Few scholars have adopted the national business systems perspective in the research area of entrepreneurial aspirations across countries (Bowen & De Clercq, 2008; Chowdhury et al., 2018). These scholars looked at each institution in isolation, only relying on the national business systems to identify salient institutional dimensions. To build on this prior research, this study responds to Pezeshkan et al. (2016) to propose that national institutions do not act alone; they interact; and there can be multiple combinations of institutions to foster firm innovation.
National business system and the resource-based view.
According to the national business systems perspective, institutions influence the conditions under which firms access resources (Whitley, 1994). And many of these institutions vary significantly between nations, which can give rise to distinct characteristics of business systems. These business systems can be delineated into the financial system, the skill development and control system, the state and its legal system, and finally, the dominant conventions governing trust and authority relations. The first three categories directly shape the business system; the fourth category functions as "background" institutions that indirectly influence economic behaviour (Whitley, 1999).
In line with Lundvall's (1992) innovation systems perspective, the national business systems perspective also suggests that a single institution does not act alone in affecting economic behaviour; instead, it works jointly with other institutions (Pezeshkan et al., 2016; Whitley, 1999). The national business systems framework presents a parsimonious framework that can encapsulate many of the finer delineations of system actors and components presented by Lundvall (1992) and others. But this perspective has not been used often by entrepreneurship scholars; they have tended to rely on an institutional perspective rooted in North (1990) and Scott (2008).
In any case, though the national business systems perspective urges us not to consider a country's institutions in isolation, it remains unclear about the nature of these interactions. To explain strategic economic activity, as is innovative entrepreneurship, it has been proposed before that institutional theory is best combined with the resource-based view (Oliver, 1997). Notably, the resource-based view focuses on firms and their internal resources. Still, it can also be applied to a country's internal resources in the context of countries competing against one another (Guillén, 2000). Because transactional activity relies on institutions, institutions have been considered important country-level resources (North, 1990; Wan, 2005). In addition, an institution can be treasured when it remains strong despite being surrounded by several other weak institutions (Oliver, 1997).
This study proposes that a nation's financial system takes on the role of such a valuable institutional resource when the state and skill development systems are weak. A key concept of the resource-based view is value: resources must enable a firm to implement strategies that improve its competitiveness. In innovation, such value becomes evident for innovative performance when the environment poses risk and uncertainty (Meeus & Oerlemans, 2000), as do weak institutions.
This study theorises that the resources available with a country's financial system can increase in value when other institutions are weak and pose risks to undertaking innovative economic activity. Taking from the proximate institutions of national business systems, I argue that a strong financial system can maintain high shares of innovative entrepreneurial activity when the state or skill development system is weak.
Financial system and the state
Innovative-oriented entrepreneurs remain uncertain that the market will support their new products or services. If the state, for example, does not instil confidence in entrepreneurial individuals wishing to risk introducing new products and services, then personal risk-taking increases. In nations with high rates of innovation through start-ups, the state invests in research and development, making it possible for small enterprises without capital to develop their intellectual property and technology. The state also provides grants and loans to these small enterprises, enabling them to demonstrate financial health to potential private sector funders. The state also helps ease the regulatory burdens facing high-technology initiatives (Audretsch & Keilbach, 2004; Colwell & Narayanan, 2010).
When this state system is not working well, the resource-based view predicts that the financial system becomes valuable and can serve as a welcome substitute. Innovative-oriented entrepreneurs see the need to share the risks of innovation with a partner, and when the nation's entrepreneurs cannot rely on the state, they might look to the financial markets to share in their risks. In this way, financial markets are accorded increased value by the nation's innovative-oriented entrepreneurs. In such a country context—weak state— it is more likely that entrepreneurs will respond to the strengthening of financial markets by allocating greater effort towards innovative-oriented activities. Notably, a robust financial system with strong credit and equity markets has been shown to substitute for less developed public governance institutions (Pezeshkan et al. 2016). Accordingly, I hypothesise:
Hypothesis 1
A nation's financial system will have a stronger positive effect on its innovative-oriented share of start-ups when it possesses a weak state than a strong state
Financial system and skill development system
Another characteristic of nations with high rates of innovation is their strong skill development system. To support the research and development required for innovation, entrepreneurs can draw from the technical skills available in universities and science parks (Colwell & Narayanan, 2010; Keller & Block, 2013). Business skills, too, are available to complement the technically-oriented resources available within a national innovation system (Guan & Chen, 2012). When these business skills are in short supply, entrepreneurs can look to actors in a nation's financial system. Though these actors might not possess the technical skills required to assess innovation, they possess the skills to determine the risk of introducing innovative products and services to the market. Thus, I argue that a nation's financial system can substitute for skill development system that might be weak. I hypothesise:
Hypothesis 2
A nation's financial system will have a stronger positive effect on its innovative-oriented share of start-ups when it possesses a weak skill development system than a strong skill development system