The most substantial finding from the study was that the prevalence of underweight among women of reproductive age in Sierra Leone was lower compared to many countries in sub-Saharan Africa [27-29], except Uganda [30]. Also, it was lower compared to many Asian countries for example, Indonesia and Bangladesh at 11.2% and 30.4%, respectively [31]. The proportion of underweight was highest among 15–24-year-olds, 289/502(57.5%) and lowest among women of 25-34 years, 84/502(16.7%) (Table 1, Table 2, Table 3, Table 4, and Figure 1), like a study where younger adolescent mothers (<20 years) were found to be more underweight than older mothers (20-49 years) attributing this to increased mother-to-child nutritional demands [32].
In contrast to previous findings, parity, residency, female-headed households, household size, work status, level of education, wealth indices, reading magazines, smoking cigarettes, and alcohol use were not associated with underweight in this study population [33,34,35]. This exclusive study finding on the covariates of underweight in Sierra Leone compared to other countries are points of great interest for further studies.
Findings of a double burden of malnutrition that is underweight (6.7%) and overnutrition (27.12%, BMI≥25kg/m2) in Sierra Leone, a low-income country (Table 7), are not unique but are worrisome as policymakers will have to design comprehensive public health programs that address the extremes of malnutrition. The co-existence of undernutrition and overnutrition has been in many low-income countries in Asian Pacific region [36] and sub-Saharan Africa [2,3,4,5,6,7]. The evidence of underweight, overweight, obesity and overnutrition are in this study in Sierra Leone (Table 4, Table 5, Table 6, Table 7). Studies suggest that a rapid dietary and lifestyle transition is the leading path of dual burden, with increase in overnutrition and diet related noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) [36,37]. We, the authors, suggest increased efforts on policy initiatives and lifestyle changes in Sierra Leone to combat the double burden of malnutrition which is prevalent in the country.
In addition, the independent predictors of overweight (Table 5), obesity (Table 6), and overnutrition (Table 7) among the study population included age groups of 25-34 years and 35-49 years, not married, working-class, women from the north and south of Sierra Leone, middle, richer and richest wealth index; and not listening to radios (Table 5). The independent predictors of obesity and overnutrition were like overweight, with one exception of female-headed households (AOR 0.717; 95%CI 0.578-0.889;p<0.001) being unlikely in obesity and overnutrition (Table 6, Table 7).
The current study finding that overweight, obesity, and overnutrition (Figure I) increased with age is consistent with previous studies [38,39,40]. However, contrary to previous studies [38,39,41], associations between higher economic status (e.g., less household crowding), educational level attained, and residing in urban areas with being overweight or obese were not statistically significant in this current study (Table 5, Table 6, Table 7). Of concern was that 490(18.7%) of young girls and women aged 15–24 years were over nourished, indicating a large proportion of overweight and obesity in early adulthood (Table 5, Table 6, Table 7). This finding requires that overweight and obesity investigations following the lifecycle of women should be prioritized in Sierra Leone, as in many low to middle-income countries [41].
In terms of dietary behaviors, previous research found the independent predictors of obesity were due to inadequate fruit and vegetable intakes [42,43], eating occasions away from home [44], high salt intakes [45], consumption of ultra-processed foods, and saturated fats [46]. However, our current study is a secondary data analysis, and we could not assess associations of dietary behaviors such as the frequency of snacking, skipping breakfast, high intake of sugary beverages, overweight or obesity [43,47], and over nutrition among the study population.
Unlike previous research [48,49,50], this study showed no associations between tobacco and alcohol use and the prevalence of overweight, obesity, and overnutrition among the study population (Table 5, Table 6, Table 7).
Working-class women, overweight, obesity, and overnutrition.
Our study found that working-class women were unlikely of being overweight and no association with obesity, and overnutrition among the study population (Table 5, Table 6, Table 7). Previous studies from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, reported higher figures for overweight and obesity, ranging from (26.7 to 38%) among workers in Wonji Shewa sugar factory [51-54]. The availability of more energy-dense fast foods and exposure to sedentary life in Addis Ababa and its surroundings (compared to other urban settings) explains the high figures for overweight and obesity in Ethiopia [51-54]. The observed overweight and obesity among sugar factory workers in Ethiopia is likely due to unfettered access to cheap and free sugar from their workplaces.
This finding in Sierra Leone on overnutrition at (27.12%) is lower than most studies in Ethiopia [51-54]. This Sierra Leone finding is also lower than other studies based on DHS data from Nigeria (26.7 and 36.4 %) [55,56] and seven African countries (average prevalence of 31%) [57]. It is also lower than other studies conducted in Benin (41.3%), South Africa (56.6%), Iran (61.3%), and India (75.33%) [58–61]. The current study findings may be diverse due to disparity in dietary patterns, lifestyles, level of urbanization, and economic development in Sierra Leone.
Of special interest in this Sierra Leone study is that it was unlikely to have overweight women among the working-class contrary to findings from other African countries. Is there something we can learn from findings among these Sierra Leonean women that can be replicated elsewhere in Africa? Is there dietary discipline and good dietary habits among working-class women in Sierra Leone? This can only be established by conducting a comprehensive study on working-class women in Sierra Leone.
In the current study, age of women, marital status, wealth indices, working-class women, female-headed households, and residence in the South of Sierra Leone were unlikely associated with overweight, obesity, and overnutrition of women in the reproductive age (Table 5, Table 6, Table 7). Consistent with other studies, this study's results demonstrate that malnutrition's prevalence is higher among older women [62,63,64,65,66]. A decrease in levels of physical activities and higher intakes of energy-dense foods as the age of women advances is suggested as a possible explanation [67]. In contrast, being overweight, obese, and over nourished was unlikely among women in the middle, more prosperous, and richest quintile in Sierra Leone women, inconsistent with studies from Addis Ababa and Wonji Shewa sugar factory [49,62,63] and studies from elsewhere [59,60,61,64,65]. In developing countries, wealthier women are more likely to consume more energy-dense foods and follow a sedentary lifestyle; hence they are more likely to be overweight, obese, and over nourished [59,60,61,64,65]. However, this was not the case in Sierra Leone where overweight, obesity and over nutrition were unlikely among working-class women in the reproductive age. There is a need to explore this finding in future studies among women in Sierra Leone.
Also, previous studies showed that the prevalence of overweight, obesity, and overnutrition was significantly higher among working women who attained higher educational levels [65,66]. However, a higher educational level was not statistically significant in our study population except for the crude odds ratios for primary level of education in participants with obesity (Table 6). Our current study finding on the level of education attained and association with obesity contrasts with other studies where higher school level attained is associated with obesity [65,66,67]. This finding on obesity in other settings may be a result of changes in lifestyles as disposal income rises; these classes of women tend to go for processed carb-diets, more sugary drinks, including drinking tea three to four times a day with bread with a shift from manual labor to more sedentary occupations and the related decline in physical activities.
In this, we the authors note that sedentary life alone may not be the only reason for high rates of overweight and obesity as it is becoming clear that physical exercise alone does not contribute to weight loss, much as exercise is a healthy lifestyle.
In contrast to other studies, not-married women in the current study were an independent predictor of overweight, obesity, and overnutrition [68,69,70]. Previously, married women were more likely to have higher parity, resulting in adopting a more sedentary lifestyle and eating high-energy foods, usually offered to women during the postpartum period, and thus becoming overweight and/or obese [68,69,70]. On the contrary, we found in the current study that not-married Sierra Leone women were more likely to be overweight, obese, and over nourished (Table 5, Table 6, Table 7). On this finding, we the authors suggest that perhaps many not-married women in reproductive age in Sierra Leone lead a more sedentary lifestyle, have higher energy-rich diet, and are from northern region, and this may in part explain the associations between not married women with overweight, obesity, and overnutrition. These authors recommend further studies to determine why not-women were more likely to be overweight, obese, and over nourished in Sierra Leone in contrast to other countries in sub-Saharan Africa.
Female-headed households, wealth indices, overweight, obesity, and overnutrition.
Our current study found that better wealth indices and female-headed households were unlikely associated with overweight, obesity and overnutrition in women of reproductive age in Sierra Leone (Table 5, Table 6, and Table 7).
Although there are cross-country differences and shares for both populations living in female-headed households and households headed by women have been rising over the years in Africa, current data show that the probability of a woman aged fifteen or older headed household, controlling for her age, has been increasing since the early 1990s in all regions and across the entire age distribution in Africa [71].
Using complete series of DHSs fielded in Africa over the last 25 years and covering 89% of Africa's population, recent research has investigated Africa-wide changes in the prevalence of female-headed households [71]. The results suggest that recent economic growth in Africa brings more female headship, presumably due to lower work-related migration by men, but associated with a growing local economy [71]. The seeming paradox that female household headship is rising during a period of growth is that other factors are also changing across the African continent [71]. Changes in the demographic and population characteristics, social norms, education of women, and the nature of the family appear to be encouraging female household headships in the African continent [71].
Current reports show that an extra year of schooling produces a three-percentage increase in shares of the population living in female-headed households [71]. In addition, a one-year rise in women's age at first marriage produces a 2.5%-point increase in the share of the population living in female-headed households, an effect almost as strong as that of an extra year of schooling [71]. Life expectancy's positive effect equals a 0.5%-point boost per extra year among women, presumably reflecting the natural survival advantage of women with higher overall life expectancy and resulting incidence of widow-headed households [71].
Furthermore, conflicts, wars, and HIV and AIDs in many communities in the African continent have raised many countries' share of the population in female-headed households [71]. Thus, female-headed households' prevalence has been rising while poverty has been falling in the African continent [71].
Past literatures have generally been suggestive that female-headed households tend to be poorer, but the critical question is whether this occurrence implies that recent improvements in living standards have left behind female-headed households [71]. On the contrary, female-headed households are a diverse group of people and some, such as married women with non-resident husbands (polygynous or migrant) or educated women who may choose, and can socially and economically afford not to marry or remarry can be expected to be relatively well-off [71]. Others, such as wars or AIDS widows, separated or abandoned women, and single mothers who have not chosen headship but have no options, are frequently found to head disadvantaged households [71].
So, the finding in our current study that it was unlikely to have overweight, obese and over nourished women among better wealth quintiles and female headed households attract interest since previous studies appear to inform that better wealth quintiles are associated with obesity, overweight and over nutrition.
Interestingly, poverty has been declining in both household groups over the years but in most countries in Africa, it fell faster for female-headed households (FHHs) than MHHs [71]. This finding is also suggested as factual when one allows for diversity among FHHs, for example, comparing households with a widow and non-widowed heads, married heads with and without a male adult household member, and the same for non-married heads. The finding that poverty is falling faster for FHHs is robust for testing sensitivity in allowing for a generally smaller size of FHHs and economies of scale in consumption, which does not alter these key findings [71].
In addition, living standards of various types of FHHs followed different paths across countries and periods, with no one type consistently outperforming others, yet at least one type usually outperforming male-headed households [71]. Furthermore, there is little discernible pattern across countries in the African continent where one category of FHH may do well in one country or a period, while another does best elsewhere [71].
In all, poverty has fallen more rapidly in FHHs in the African continent; a decomposition in changes in poverty indicates that, rather than put a break on poverty reduction, FHHs are contributing appreciably to the decline of poverty despite their smaller share in the population [71].
Nevertheless, the big question is, why has poverty fallen faster in FHHs? There are different explanations, but perhaps poor FHHs faced a relatively high economic return to the new opportunities unleashed by economic growth, or perhaps they have benefited disproportionately from the expansion of social protection in the region, or perhaps the group of people living in FHHs has fundamentally changed over time [71]. This finding in our current study means that a superficial examination of FHHs and better wealth indices observed from this study may not support any of these explanations, but this new stylized fact about poverty in Africa warrants a closer look in the future.
A Double Burden of Malnutrition (DBM) in Africa.
We, the authors, argue that among drivers of DBM, poverty-related factors, such as food insecurity and infectious diseases, persistent droughts, floods, gender prejudices, and protracted humanitarian crises, continue to mark the face of Africa [72]. For overweight and obesity, cultural expectations and early onset of puberty predispose girls to high adiposity and lifestyles [73]. Cultural perceptions of female body size also drive DBM as being overweight is considered a sign of wealth, achievement, and marital harmony [73]. This cultural aspect and reduced physical activity could explain why obesity is consistently higher in women compared to men in the African continent [73]. Meanwhile, consumption of processed foods is increasing at the expense of fresh and minimally processed foods among the African population [73,74]. Commercialization of food production, processing, and distribution is correlated with decreasing smallholder farming, dietary diversity, and increasing household dependence on purchased foods, resulting in diets of low nutritional quality, energy-dense, high in sugars, salt, and fats [74]. The underlying causes of DBM may vary by subregion, but the increasing consumption of cheap, processed foods [75] and reduced physical activity are among key drivers of DBM.
In summary, the prevalence of overweight and obesity exceeds underweight in most women of reproductive age and are risk factors for cardiovascular diseases in developing countries [76,77,78]. Findings from Sierra Leone show that it is not exception to the growing prevalence of DBM among women of reproductive age. Of special interest in the Sierra Leone case, the number of adolescents with underweight, overweight, obesity and overnutrition are relatively high. If this current high prevalence of the different categories of malnutrition among young women are not arrested soon in Sierra Leone, we the authors believe that in the coming years, we shall begin to observe higher incidences and prevalence of NCDs, poor obstetric outcomes and disadvantaged off springs.
Strengths and Limitations of this study.
The use of a nationally representative data and considerations of complex sampling methods are the strengths of this study. However, three limitations should be considered while interpreting the results of this study. First, the study's cross-sectional nature does not allow for establishing causality of associations. Second, significant predictors of the outcome variable, such as physical activity and total energy intake (nutritional history), food availability, and types consumed, are absent due to secondary nature of the data. Likewise, there was no data on central obesity since the survey did not collect data on abdominal and waist-to-hip circumferences. Finally, apart from physical and biomedical measures of self-reported questionnaire, these data may have suffered from social desirability biases.
Generalizability of results: Results of this study can be generalized to low-resource settings, particularly in low to middle-income countries.
Conclusion: The prevalence of different categories of malnutrition among women of reproductive age in Sierra Leone were high, affirming a double burden of malnutrition in this study population. It was more likely to be underweight among the 25–34-year age-group compared to 15–24-year. The independent predictors of overweight, obesity, and overnutrition were not-married women, women from the north and not listening to radios. There is an urgent need for policymakers in Sierra Leone to design comprehensive educational campaigns to sensitize and mobilize women in reproductive age on healthy lifestyles and the dangers of being underweight or over-nourished.