In reality, we often find that people with intimate partners have a lower mortality risk than those who lack close friends and spouses, it means people who have a partner are happier, healthier and live longer than those who live alone. When we are old, our ability is declining, the spouse, as the closest person in the old age, plays a decisive role in the life and health of the elderly, and the support provided by the spouse is particularly important. It is generally accepted that marriage, as an important social factor, has a significant impact on the level of death among the elderly people.
Regarding the effect of have a spouse on the mortality risk in the older people, both cross-sectional and panel data demonstrate the protective effect of spouses on human lifespan, which is consistent across countries and cultures; There is a "protective effect" of spouses on human life and health, and the absence of spouses has a "damaging effect" on human life (Lerman, 2002). Manzoli et al. (2007) reviewed the relationship between marriage and mortality risk since the mid-19th century, and compared and predicted mortality in the two groups with and without a spouse, resulting in a 18% lower mortality risk in the spouse population than in the non-spouse population, and the protective effect is stronger in Europe and North America than in Asia; Scanfato et al. (2008) analyzed Italian 10-year follow-up data and found that elderly people with spouse lived longer; GoldmanN et al. (1993) found that marriage can reduce the mortality risk of the couple elderly by 5%-15% compared with the elderly without a couple. Due to China's unique family traditional culture, the effect of marriage on the risk of death in the elderly in China may be stronger (Huang Qingbo, 2014), among which Li Jianxin (2022), Hao Hongsheng (1995), You Yunzhong (2009) and Liu Zheng (1986) conducted a comparative analysis of mortality under different marital conditions, the first three were based on Chinese census data, the latter was based on Beijing mortality survey data, all came to the nearly identical conclusion that the mortality rate was significantly higher for unmarried people than for married ones.
On the issue of gender heterogeneity, scholars from all walks of life have reached inconsistent conclusions. Zick and Smith(1991) believed that the survival benefits of spouses may only benefit men, but Lillard and Waite(1995) found the protective effect on women. Manzoli et al. (2007) found no difference in the protective effect of spouses for men and women in a meta-analysis of mortality in old age. With regard to age heterogeneity, Zeng Yi (2004) found that the death probability of the elderly without spouses was higher than that of the elderly with spouses, while the death probability of the younger elderly was not significantly affected by the marital status, which may indicate that the "damaging effect" of marriage has a long-term accumulation. However, Zhao Xiaohang et al. (2019) believed that the absence of spouses has a serious impact on the younger elderly. With the passage of time, the influence on the elderly is relatively weakened. The reason for the opposite conclusion may be that the tracking of different generations of the elderly has a great impact on people's perceptions.With regard to urban and rural heterogeneity, Li Anqi et al. (2019) argued that having a spouse can significantly improve the mental health status of the elderly in rural areas, and men can gain more benefits. In addition, other studies have shown that a higher marital history also increases the risk of death for both men and women, excluding the influence of age (G Tatangelo, 2017). Based on the results of the multi-level model and SAS hybrid program, Heejeong Choi (2013) concluded that the health benefits of having or not having a spouse may be amplified in individuals with higher levels of education and income.
According to the current research results, most scholars' studies on the influence of spouse on death risk have reached similar conclusions. First, few of these studies specifically discuss the influence of spouse or not on death risk of elderly Chinese. Although Li Jianxin (2022), Hao Hongsheng (1995), You Yunzhong (2009) and Liu Zheng (1986) have discussed, they are not based on the more representative data of the Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey(CLHLS). Although Zeng Yi (2004) also discussed, he did not carry out in-depth analysis on the types with or without spouses, such as the differences in the impact of widowed spouse, divorce and singledom on the risk of death, such as the impact of having or not having a spouse on the risk of death under different genders, types of household registration and children's economic support.
Second, because Chinese people's cultural views on family comfort may be different from those in the West, there are few studies on the death risk of this elderly group in China. Third, some scholars use the data of the Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey to study family issues, but the samples do not strictly track the same group of individuals, so that the differences in individual socioeconomic environment have an impact on the research results. Based on this, this paper, based on the data of the Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey (hereinafter referred to as CLHLS), explores the influence of having or not having a spouse on the death risk of the elderly in China, and analyzes the heterogeneity of gender, age, household registration type and economic support with or without children. At the same time, no spouse is divided into widows, divorces, unmarried, and unmarried. To judge the risk of death and analyze the causes.