Each of our three models shows that individuals can adopt three different behaviors toward testing, depending on the perceived per-test cost \(c\), additional to the payoff of finding out the disease status. First, if the cost \(c\) is too high, then individuals do not test voluntarily, rather, they restrain to symptom-driven testing, and thus the epidemic continues without diminish. Second, if the cost \(c\) is intermediate, then there exists a trade-off between the rate and the cost of voluntary testing. Some individuals find the cost acceptable and get tested voluntarily; hence, the epidemic can be controlled through frequent voluntary testing. Third, if the cost \(c\) is low and negative (i.e., \(c\) is a per-test payoff), below a certain threshold, then individuals are prone to voluntary testing, and the epidemic can be eliminated. In consequence, the individuals quit testing and the epidemic can reemerge, in which case individuals will later resume their testing behavior. Therefore, the epidemiological dynamics are not stable and epidemic elimination can be reached only temporarily.
Besides the inherent limitations of ODE epidemic models, our mixed models have three main limitations. First, the game-theoretical components assume that individuals have a fair perception about the risk of infection and make rational choices towards voluntary testing. Second, both components of the mixed models assume that the studied population is homogeneous regarding testing behavior. In reality, the population is most likely heterogeneous regarding perception of risk of infection, correct perception coexisting with misperception, leading to heterogeneous rates of voluntary testing. Hence, our analyses describe an optimistic scenario where all individuals are rational players, who accept treatment unconditionally once diagnosed with the disease. Third, our models address only stationary epidemiologies.
The outcomes of our three mixed models are qualitatively similar. Hence, it is reasonable to consider qualitatively similar interventions, such as test-and-treat, to increase voluntary testing and mitigate HIV, HCV and STI epidemics. Increasing the spectrum of testing solutions, with convenient testing protocols, such as self-sampling kits or self-testing [9]–[15], can act as a testing incentive. Indeed, it seems that, with the availability of self-tests on-line and in pharmacies, the cost of voluntary testing decreased substantially. One may thus expect to see a surge in voluntary testing, possibly leading to epidemic elimination. Studies [10], [74] showed that, with the availability of new testing tools, the testing frequency increased, without significant adverse outcomes. Still, testing rates did not increase sufficiently and it remains unclear whether the observed increase will last in the long run. For example, it was estimated that, in France, in 2017, only about half of the MSM recently tested for HIV, and testing for STI was even worse [75]. These testing rates are much lower than modeling estimates of target testing rates to eliminate HIV [4], [24].
These findings agree with our modeling results. To achieve epidemic elimination, it is not sufficient that individuals perceive low or zero cost for voluntary testing, they must perceive a per-test payoff, above a certain threshold, as motivation to get tested voluntarily, over and over, whether they are found positive or negative. Theoretically, the threshold payoff depends on epidemic parameters. In practice, it may be expressed using monetary and/or non-monetary aspects, and may be difficult to quantify. However, in the strive for epidemic elimination, the per-test payoff should be as large as feasible, to act as a testing incentive. Financial incentives and reminders to get tested for HIV or chlamydia were relatively recently implemented with various degree of success [76]–[81]. Particularly, they were successful to lower the per-test costs and raise the testing coverage in low- and middle-income settings [76], [77], [79], [81]. The effects of a successful incentive and increased payoff of testing may be estimated through monitoring laboratory activity and sales of self-sampling kits and self-tests.
Moving toward epidemic elimination will also require reaching individuals who may not perceive themselves at high risk. Therefore, a correct risk perception needs to be maintained through interventions that increase awareness, motivation and behavioral skills about risk reduction. These interventions will still be required with epidemic elimination so individuals keep perceiving a high payoff for voluntary testing and have a fair perception of risk of infection. Otherwise, diseases can reemerge and reach again an endemic state of concern for public health. The situation is similar to that of vaccination prevention, which requires continuous vaccine coverage even though the disease is declared to be eliminated [61]. In conclusion, perception of testing payoff and risk of infection are two key levers to increase the impact of test-and-treat strategies up to epidemic elimination and maintaining elimination in the context of less epidemic adversity.
Test-and-treat trials and studies often employed testing protocols different than those for the general population. For example, within the large-scale trial ANRS 12249, eligible residents of South Africa were offered rapid HIV testing, during home-based visits every 6 months for a few years. Eventually, 89% of them had their HIV status ever ascertained [82], demonstrating that, in this context, offering testing at home considerably decreased the cost of testing. Test-and-treat strategies have also been employed in smaller trials, for specific demographic subgroups, defined by social status (e.g., incarcerated individuals) [83]–[86], geographical area [87]–[89], sexual behavior (e.g., MSM, sex workers) [90], [91], or high-risk of infection (e.g., drug users) [92] with the goal to achieve local elimination, so-called micro-elimination [75], [76].
Some of these trials achieved very high participation and testing rates from the eligible populations, much larger than those reported in the studies of the general population. For example, HCV elimination efforts met with participation and testing rate of 99.5% in a prison [83], 80% in a cohort of HIV-infected MSM [90], and 89% in an Egyptian village [88], where public health authorities engaged in short talks to address commonly asked questions, and distributed booklets, flyers and posters before testing. With positive experience from HCV micro-elimination, public health agencies look forward to nationwide strategies for HCV elimination [95]–[99]. The overall strategic objective also includes elimination of HIV and STIs, because of the inherent similarities between the HCV and HIV and STI epidemiologies [1].
It appears that the recipe for achieving large testing rates from targeted populations has been either (1) careful design of the testing protocol [82], which may be quite different from typical practice of public health, or (2) careful targeting relatively small populations, which due to their specificities, are prone to participate in test-and-treat interventions. Either way, building large scale strategies for systematic, nationwide interventions remains complex. Our models suggest that, a testing offer, which simply acknowledges the epidemiological context of the community, would not be met with large testing rates because voluntary testing would likely not be perceived as providing substantial payoffs to individuals. Comprehensive offers should be made in line with the principles of voluntary testing. Providing per-test payoffs to all eligible individuals in a population is a task whose complexity can increase substantially with the size and the diversity of the population.