According to the Field theory (Burnes & Cooke, 2013; Lewin, 1951; Martin, 2003), a person's (or a group's) behavior is influenced by how they interact with their surroundings. As a result, in order to understand and predict a person's behavior and behavior changes, it is necessary to take into account the overall psychological environment he or she perceives, i.e., to construct the individual's life space. The life space is a “field”, which contains all the driving factors that change the behavior of individuals and groups at a particular moment. Many studies have changed individuals’ behavior by changing their “field”. For example, people contributed more money or were more likely to take the initiative to pick up garbage when in an environment with watching eyes (Rigdon, Ishii, Watabe, & Kitayama, 2009). Public donations made in front of lawyers were 25% higher than private anonymous donations (Alpizar, Carlsson, & Johansson-Stenman, 2008).
Changes in the "field" also affect people's allocations of money in economic games, which are often used to assess a person's propensity for fairness and altruism or cooperation level. For instance, those who made decisions in front of a computer screen with a picture of eyes allocated more money to recipients in the dictator game (Haley & Fessler, 2005). Displaying members’ photos in the public goods game made people contribute more (Andreoni & Petrie, 2004). When observed and evaluated by a third party, people made more contributions (Wedekind & Milinski, 2000). By comparing earlier studies on the dictator game, Hoffman, McCabe and Smith (1999) found that when participants were anonymous to each other and their allocation decisions were not known to the investigator, individuals in the same room without partition (Bohnet & Frey, 1999) made fair allocation much more frequently than those in different compartments (Hoffman, McCabe, & Smith, 1996). Hoffman et al. (1999) noted that this suggests the presence of partners may have an impact on individuals’ allocation decisions. He argued that when partners were present, individuals perceived a stronger likelihood of reciprocity and to comply with the reciprocity norm, individuals allocated more fair amounts to the other party.
Partner presence differs from eye cues, partners’ photos, and the presence of a third party. First, real people are more likely to elicit reputational considerations than eye cues (Sparks & Barclay, 2013). Second, the instant facial expression changes of real people may also have an impact on cooperation (Andreoni & Petrie, 2004). Third, according to the interdependence theory (Van Lange & Balliet, 2015), interdependent and interacting persons in social dilemmas are more closely related, that is, one’s decisions affect the outcomes of others. Thus, compared with unrelated others, partners are more likely to influence one another and act in conformity with group norms.
However, since previous studies typically adopted the design in which participants conduct experiments in different rooms (Fehr & Gächter, 2000; Henrich & Boyd, 2001; Henrich & Muthukrishna, 2021; Ostrom, Walker, & Gardner, 1992) or in different booths with dividers of the same room (Tyler, 2010; Wedekind & Milinski, 2000; Zelmer, 2003), the impact of partner presence on cooperative behavior has not been specifically examined. In addition, data from economic experiments has demonstrated that the promotion of eye cues on cooperative behavior is affected by time of duration. Participants exposed to eye cues for a short time donated more money than those exposed for a long time, indicating that the effect of eye cues is a subconscious response (Sparks & Barclay, 2013). This suggests that the length of interaction should also be considered when examining the impact of the presence of real partners, yet previous studies primarily employed one-shot economic games and did not take into account the situation of repeated rounds of games (Andreoni & Petrie, 2004; Haley & Fessler, 2005; Hoffman, McCabe, & Smith, 1999; Wedekind & Milinski, 2000).
It has been found that group members frequently use each other’s behavior as a guide while acting within the group. Each group develops a set of norms for behavior or attitude after engaging in continuous interaction for a while, and group members typically tend to comply with these norms (Kallgren, Reno, & Cialdini, 2000). When a member violates the norms, the other participants may discipline him or her to encourage compliance (Abbink, Gangadharan, Handfield, & Thrasher, 2017; K. Bettenhausen & Murnighan, 1985; K. L. Bettenhausen & Murnighan, 1991; Fehr & Schurtenberger, 2018; Pillutla & Chen, 1999). Accordingly, some researchers noted that two requirements are necessary for the formation of group norms: (1) a sufficient number of members conform to the rule; and (2) a sufficient number of members believe they should conform to the rule and are willing to punish the violators (Szekely et al., 2021). A research also found that when punishment is included, people's contributions in the public goods game first exhibit an upward trend before gradually leveling off, which may be related to the gradual formation of group norms under the effect of punishment (Fehr & Gächter, 2000).
Although there are altruistic (Fehr & Gächter, 2000, 2002) and antisocial (Herrmann, Thoni, & Gachter, 2008) reasons for punishment, the norm-forming viewpoint suggests that people may punish in order to maintain norms (Fehr & Fischbacher, 2004). According to Parks and Stone’s (Parks & Stone, 2010) research, those who contributed generously to the public goods while taking little in return may also be the targets of group exclusion. This exclusion stemmed from the expectation in social comparison that others should behave similarly to themselves and adhere to predetermined norms. Irwin and Horne (Irwin & Horne, 2013) examined how norms affect antisocial punishment and found that, despite the fact that the group benefits more from individuals’ contributions, those who made excessive contributions were regarded as unruly and punished more under strong norms.
Previous research has revealed that the presence of others influences punishment, but the impact is inconsistent. Some studies have found that the presence of others leads to less punishment toward violators. For instance, the presence of others facilitated the diffusion of responsibility and inhibited the tendency to criticize those who graffiti and litter (Chekroun & Brauer, 2002). People were more inclined to spend money to conceal their punishment conduct when they realized their actions were being watched because they were concerned that harsh punishment would damage their reputation (Rockenbach & Milinski, 2006). People were less willing to penalize when observed by a “Big Man” in the tribe because the bigwig’s observation was already posing a threat to potential violators. However, it has also been found that the presence of others increases the severity of punishment meted out to the violators. For example, when others’ violation involved the person's own interests and resulted in feeling changes and property losses, the presence of others increased the punishment (Van Bommel, Van Prooijen, Elffers, & Van Lange, 2012). Even though less likely to encounter one another again in the one-shot public goods game, researchers found that the participants’ spending on third-party punishment increased threefold when group members were present. Additionally, they felt more anger and less selfish. This suggests that being observed may boost the emotional system while weakening the rational system that calculates personal economic interests (Kurzban, DeScioli, & O'Brien, 2007).
This study uses a repeated public goods game to explore how the presence of partners affects people's cooperative behavior. We expect that the presence of partners will enhance people's awareness of following reciprocal norms and improve their level of cooperation. However, this effect might only be temporary and insufficient to guarantee the formation of norms. Given the intimate connection between punishment and norms formation, this study also focuses on the effect of partner presence on punitive behavior and group norms of cooperation. We expect that the presence of partners will enhance the impact that punishment plays in establishing norms. When cooperative partners are present, people will adjust the severity of punishment to bring those who contribute less or more than the group’s average level into line with others.