In this study, we provide evidence in support of the hypothesis that food-production strategy is systematically associated with facial sex-typicality. Pastoralists living in the Sahel/Savannah belt have a more masculine facial morphology than farmers in the same region do, and this effect is more pronounced in the faces of men than in the faces of women. Our results thus corroborate a previous finding that pastoralists and farmers differ in their facial morphology 41 and newly add that the subsistence mode is significantly associated with facial shape variation due to sex differences. The overall nature of shape changes associated with sexual dimorphism is similar in both subsistence groups. Women have a more gracile facial structure with a reduced lower face and smaller nose, while men have a wider chin and a broader and larger nose. Pastoralist men – and to a lesser degree also pastoralist women – have larger lower faces than the farmers do (see Supplementary figure S3). This morphological pattern backs up our main finding about the higher level of masculinisation in the facial structure of nomadic peoples in the Sahel/Savannah belt of Africa.
Classic research into human height dimorphism hypothesised that agricultural societies should exhibit a lower degree of sexual dimorphism in stature than non-agricultural societies due to sex differences in labour division 51,52. It soon turned out, though, that support for the notion that equal division of labour correlates with lower levels of sexual dimorphism is unclear 53. Our study questioned the analogous effect for facial morphology. Along a similar vein, our results indicate that a more equal division of labour in sedentary farmers is not associated with a decrease in the magnitude of facial sexual dimorphism.
In literature, we find references to several factors which have been claimed to influence the sexual dimorphism of human face. Many studies attempted to explain facial dimorphism as a consequence of human mating behaviour. In contrast to other parts of human body, face is only rarely hidden, thus enabling an immediate detection of an individual’s sex even in climatic and/or social conditions which necessitate the covering of other sex-typical body traits. While female facial femininity is universally preferred across cultures, the relation of male facial masculinity to mate choice is far less straightforward 54–57. While men tend to prefer feminine women across cultures, there are some differences between populations in the magnitude of this preference 58. Neither cross-cultural differences in facial shape variation, sex differences in body height, nor differing preferences for facial femininity and masculinity across countries explain the observed patterns of facial dimorphism. A quantitative comparison based on eight distant human populations showed that the association between sexual shape dimorphism and attractiveness is moderate for women and weak or none for men 54. Moreover, female preference of male facial masculinity seems to be mediated by a wide array of biological, psychological, and ecological variables including the menstrual phase of the observer, type of relationship, self-esteem, use of hormonal contraception, environmental conditions, and various combinations of the above 59–64
A subsidiary factor that may affect the male part of human facial dimorphism is women’s preference for taller and stronger men. Facial morphology is affected by overall body size 65–67. In particular, taller and heavier men are not only perceived as more masculine 68, but taller men also have a more masculinized facial structure 69. Height is also associated with male health: tall (but not the tallest) men seem to have optimised immunity function 70. In general, male tallness is preferred across human societies, but no such simple preference exists or female height 71–73. Greater body mass, on the other hand, might be costlier in regions with uncertain food availability. Greater mass may also be disadvantageous for hunting, as indicated by the negative correlation between body size and food returns in African hunter-gatherers 9. For instance, Tanzanian Hadza women do not prefer taller men74. In fact, they are more likely to marry men shorter than themselves 75. Likewise, the Himba nomads from northern Namibia show preference for equal height in both sexes 76. Still, a recent cross-population comparison showed that sex differences in body height predict the average sex differences in facial morphology but do not explain the overall variation of SShD, such as range and distribution, across populations as such 5.
Yet another possibility is that sexual dimorphism is driven by intrasexual competition between males, so that stronger and more masculine males are able to provide various direct and indirect benefits, which ultimately allow them to reproduce more effectively. A recent metanalysis revealed that male body muscularity is the strongest and sole consistent predictor of mating and reproduction 77, while facial robustness/masculinity predicts neither of these outcomes. It is thus possible that facial masculinity is not the result of direct selection but rather a by-product of the evolutionary forces that act primarily on testosterone-dependent traits of the male body. Evolutionary causation is usually recursive, meaning that once a particular sex-typical trait in human faces appears, it can be co-opted for various biosocial functions which, in turn, may shape this particular facial trait even further. Altogether, currently available evidence does not allow us to determine what is the dominant force shaping human facial dimorphism.
Therefore, we do not interpret the observed relationship between facial sex-typicality and subsistence as necessarily functional, although it would be premature to a priori reject this possibility in light of evidence regarding the association between cranial anatomy, the development of masticatory muscles, and subsistence in both human and non-human animals 1,15,16,22. Rather we hypothesise that the more demanding pastoralist lifestyle that goes hand in hand with higher energy expenditure related to higher mobility, but most likely also a better and protein rich diet (based on milk and meat consumption), imposes a developmental pressure on the growth of body musculature and reduction of fat deposits. In short, pastoralist lifestyle is associated with changes in body constitution towards masculinisation. Taking together all the above-mentioned evidence, 5,56,77 we suggest that a more likely scenario is that human facial dimorphism is not the result of a direct selection that acted on craniofacial morphology. Rather, the shape changes in craniofacial constitution are a secondary by-product of overall autocorrelated changes in bodily constitution and musculature. As a result, the harder and physically more demanding lifestyle of nomadic pastoralists shifts the morphological traits in facial morphospace more towards the masculine range. This contrasts with the less active sedentary farmers whose faces are shifted towards the less masculine (more feminine) range. Our research in the Sahel/Savannah belt of Africa had shown that most pastoralists are capable of digesting milk sugar in adulthood because they have a genetic variant that causes lactase persistence 40. As a result, they can and do safely consume fresh milk with great calcium content in great quantity. Moreover, it can be shown that in pastoralists, this trait is under a strong positive selection pressure 25,78,79. In Sahelian farmers, on the other hand, the incidence of lactase persistence is close to zero 40. Such surprising association of this specific trait with the mode of subsistence in sub-Saharan Africa is in clear contrast with its distribution in Europe, where lactase persistence closely correlates with longitude and is thus geographically based (northern Europeans have a higher frequency of this trait than people in central and especially southern Europe). We can thus deduce that thanks to increased calcium intake, the bones of both northern Europeans and Sahelian pastoralists might achieve a more robust, and therefore more masculine, appearance especially when hardship supports such development throughout their lives.
In this context, one could also mention the differences in metabolic pathways between the pastoralists and farmers in the Sahel. This variation can be viewed as a specific response to the natural environment in which a population spends most of the time 80. In the Sahel/Savannah belt, we found differences between the pastoralists and farmers when studying the NAT2 gene (Arylamine-N-acetyltransferase 2), which is involved mainly in the metabolism of xenobiotics but might also have some function in the immune system 81. It has been shown that pastoralists belong more frequently to the slow (as opposed to fast) acetylator phenotypes 82, meaning that detoxification in their organisms is generally slower than in farmers, which might be a risk factor especially when they seasonally move to different xenobiotic environments. For individuals with the slow acetylation phenotype, such environments might be especially challenging.
Interesting differences between the pastoralists and farmers of the Sahel/Savannah belt were revealed by an investigation of correlations between genetic distances, geography, and language 31. In farmers, genetic distances between pairs of farming populations correlate with their geographic distances but not with their linguistic distances. This phenomenon is even more pronounced in the maternally inherited genetic systems, such as mitochondrial DNA, than in paternal loci, such as the non-recombinant part of Y chromosome. Pastoralist population pairs, on the other hand, show more of a correlation between genetic and linguistic distances, and this applies to both maternal and paternal genetic loci. This implies that isolation by distance might have had a greater impact on farmers (and especially on female farmers) than on pastoralists. In short, it demonstrates the effects of sedentism and patrilocality in farming populations. Moreover, a study of gene flow between pastoralists and farmers suggested that pastoralists have a lower effective population size because they lose their females by an asymmetric matrimonial pattern 83. Interestingly, this pattern has been found also in other African populations that maintain a different lifestyle 84.
One unexpected outcome of our study is the finding that the magnitude of sexual dimorphism in sub-Saharan Africa varies substantially. Newly obtained data from the Sahel/Savannah belt suggest that both pastoralists and farmers show relatively high levels of sexual dimorphism. These levels are much higher than in populations of Bantu origin and comparable to facial sex-differences in people of European and South American origin (see Supplementary figure S2). Recent study revealed a low level of facial sexual dimorphism in the Maasai, which is surprising given the high level of sexual body dimorphism in this population 2. This joint evidence indicates that facial dimorphism in sub-Saharan Africa might be lower than in the Sahelian belt. The only exception are the Chadic farmers, who evince a lower range of sexual dimorphism on a level similar to the Namibians.
One could well ask whether the population-specific differences in sexual dimorphism could be explained by a coevolution of subsistence and mating strategies. In contrast to mobile foragers, sedentary agricultural societies, which enjoy the benefits of food production and storage technologies, are prone to accumulation of resources and thus also their unequal distribution85. A comparison of data from hunter–gatherers, herder–horticulturalists, and intensive farmers/fishermen support the view that cultural innovations, such as herding and farming, can increase the variance in reproductive success, and that this can affect even predominantly monogamous societies85. If there was in farmers a greater variance in lifetime reproductive success (e.g., due to the degree of monopolisation of women) than in pastoralists, one would then expect that farmers evince greater levels of sexual dimorphism. Our results, however, show that the magnitude of facial SShD is approximately similar in both subsistence groups. Moreover, much lower sexual dimorphism compared to Sahelian populations was found in the Cameroonians of Bantu origin who live in both urban and rural areas 5. This indicates that environmental factors and way of life need not affect the range of sexual dimorphism and that phylogenetic relationships need to be taken into account in future multi-population comparisons of the magnitude and patterns of facial dimorphism. Although our present data show that patterns of sexual dimorphism vary substantially within Africa, more research is needed to complete the overall image of dimorphism variations on this highly diverse continent.
It is yet to be seen whether the observed difference in facial masculinisation between farmers and pastoralist is due to a feminisation of farmers’ facial features or due to a masculinisation of pastoralist faces. To answer this question, we would need to know more about the plesiomorphic morphological setup of male and female facial morphology in members of an ancestral population from which the recent populations of the African Sahel/Savanah belt emerged. A promising approach would be to map the facial shape of target populations on their phylogenetic tree in order to assess their ancestral morphology. Estimated ancestral morphology of male and female faces, including the characteristics of ancestral sexual dimorphism, would be subsequently compared with recent pastoralists and farmers. But a robust analysis of this kind would require a large dataset of facial morphologies associated with information about genetic background on an individual level.