The course of human development is also the course of the pursuit of happiness. The report of the 19th Party Congress points out that "the main contradiction in our society has been transformed into the contradiction between people's growing need for a better life and unbalanced and insufficient development." The people's definition of happiness is no longer limited to solving the problem of food and clothing but includes more diverse and advanced content, such as satisfying spiritual needs and achieving all-around development of the individual body and mind. Since the reform and opening up, China's economy and society have developed rapidly, and a large number of migrant workers have flowed into cities and made great contributions to the modernization of the country. The relevant data from the National Bureau of Statistics show that the total number of migrant workers in 2022 is 295.62 million, an increase of 1.1% over the previous year. Among them, 171.9 million migrant workers went to cities, a rise of 0.1%. As a disadvantaged group in the city, the subjective well-being of migrant workers is closely related to China's livelihood work. Improving the subjective well-being of migrant workers is an important part of realizing Chinese modernization.
Well-being is a broad phenomenological category that includes people's emotional responses, domain life satisfaction, and comprehensive judgments of life satisfaction[1]. Therefore, there are three general expressions of Well-being in quantitative analysis, namely, Subjective Well-being [2], Life Satisfaction[3], and Ladder-of-life[4], which are interchangeable and can be used as proxies for Well-being. These variables are interchangeable and can be used as proxies for well-being.
Numerous fields, including psychology, sociology, and economics, are active in subjective well-being research, the most prominent being economics research on the relationship between income and subjective well-being. Since the formulation of the "Easterlin Paradox" in 1974, numerous academics have examined the standard theories of contemporary economics to investigate the mechanism of the "happiness-income puzzle." Studies that use absolute income as an entry point conclude that there is no significant correlation between average income and happiness levels [5]. From the perspective of adaptation theory, the increase in income will result in the psychological habit of automatic adaptation to high income, such that improving economic conditions has no significant effect on improving subjective well-being [6]. Meanwhile, studies based on Maslow's needs theory confirm the law of marginal diminution of residents' income on subjective well-being [7]. Studies examining the relationship between absolute income and subjective well-being from the perspective of income disparity mainly contain the following two views: First, the "expectation change theory," which states that income difference can affect people's subjective well-being by altering their income expectations, including the "positive tunnel effect" [8–10] and the "negative tunnel effect" [11–13]. Second, the "relative deprivation theory" states that economic discrepancy causes individuals to feel comparatively deprived throughout the comparison process, which in turn impairs their happiness experience [14].
Inspired by foreign research, Chinese scholars have launched a series of research. Individual-level research has steadily shifted its focus from income to non-economic determinants like health [15], marital quality [16], employment status [17], and psychological status [18]. The research on social features includes political issues like basic public services [19], official corruption [20], and government quality [21]; social elements like social class [22], social trust [23], and social relationships [24]; and ecological environment like environmental pollution [25]. Beneficial research conducted by Chinese academics on the subjective well-being of urban and rural populations in China provides a new reference point for government policymakers seeking to reform development paradigms and increase national happiness. Despite these accomplishments, it is clear that the focus of domestic study remains on urban and rural residents and that research on the subjective well-being of migratory workers still needs to be strengthened.
In the framework of the new economic norm, industrial restructuring and social development have made it more difficult for migrant workers to experience subjective well-being. The subjective well-being of migrant workers who have left their hometowns is based on the unity of internal and external needs, material and immaterial needs, which not only derive from their subjective perception and self-evaluation of their lives but also depend on the improvement of their social status to satisfy their needs of belonging, respect, and self-fulfillment. To improve their subjective well-being, migrant workers must not only overcome the psychological challenge of being "marginalized in the city" and get psychological recognition and adaption but also assess if an increase in pay alone can meet their material demands [26]. In this setting, what are the novel aspects of the relationship between the social perceptions and socioeconomic status of migrant workers and their subjective well-being? How should policymakers modify their governance techniques to accommodate the increased needs of migrant workers? The solutions to these concerns require extensive empirical research based on data from microscopic studies of migrant workers. In this regard, this paper examines the logical relationship between social cognition, socioeconomic status, and subjective well-being using CGSS2017 research data, with the expectation that the study will serve as a reference for the formulation and execution of government policies in the new era.
Additional studies on discrimination perception [27], depression perception [28], fairness perception [29], and class change perception [30] demonstrate how migrant workers' impressions of society and life influence their subjective well-being experiences. And research on permanent assets such as house property ownership [31] and automobile ownership [32] demonstrates how the possessions owned by migrant workers can improve their subjective well-being by satisfying multi-level demands such as security, sociability, and respect.
By analyzing the existing research, we find that, first, psychological factors and research on the subjective well-being of migrant workers rarely involve social cognition; second, subjective well-being is a pleasant psychological experience or spiritual feelings, and its influencing factors must include two basic dimensions: subjective and objective [33]. Considering objective well-being conditions or individual cognitive levels alone is likely to cause model-setting bias due to omitting key variables. In addition, in the context of rapid urbanization and continuous changes in population structure, the heterogeneity of migrant workers has become increasingly prominent. As a new variable that cannot be ignored, intergenerational differences should be included in the analytical framework of migrant workers' subjective well-being.
As a result, as a supplement to previous research in this area, the focus of this work is as follows: Integrate social cognition and socioeconomic status into a coherent framework and investigate the impact of internal subjective feelings and exterior objective situations on the subjective well-being of migrant workers; Second, the values and actual requirements of different generations of migrant workers vary greatly. Therefore, an in-depth investigation of the intergenerational disparities in the factors influencing the subjective well-being of migrant workers will enhance the applicability of important conclusions. Thirdly, address potential endogenous issues in the model to improve the dependability of empirical analysis results.
The possible contributions of this paper are: providing evidence of the influence of social cognition among psychological factors on migrant workers' subjective well-being through empirical analysis, complementing the study of generational differences on migrant workers' subjective well-being, and further analyzing whether migrant workers' well-being is mainly affected by subjective feelings or objective conditions across generations.