The findings from the focus group are outlined here in two ways. Firstly, the thematic analysis is discussed in relation to the two themes identified – ‘The desire for choice’ and ‘How easy is easy read?’. This is followed by a critical visual analysis. Both are illustrated with quotes from participants.
Our participants were happy to look and comment on all the resources/images on display. At the end of the discussion, each reported to have enjoyed participating in the discussion, expressing interest in being involved in further research about infant feeding decision making.
Thematic analysis
Theme 1: The desire for choice - “... ask, work with us... to make it more accessible ” (Candy)
This first theme focuses on the women knowing what they liked and did not like, along with the reasons for their preferences. Whilst there was agreement about some of the images/resources we showed, the women had different ideas and disagreed with each other about others. For example, with the “tree of life” images, Summer liked the image, saying that it represented the baby growing but Lavender said that the image was confusing as it looked like a tree coming out from the breast. It was clear that choice was important, including having the relevant information to make the choice. Participants repeatedly identified that not all infant feeding options were shown or explained, identifying gaps within the resources, potentially limiting individual choice:
“It also doesn’t show you the different ways you can feed the baby” (Summer)
Videos were discussed as being accessible, whilst the moving image shows you what to do, the audio explains how to do it:
“talking things through” (Candy).
Both together – the moving image and the audio – were found to be helpful in making the information (which might be complex) easier to understand. A key aspect for the preference of videos was the story that the moving image and audio portrayed:
“Oh audio, yeah. Audio or video would be good. (…) Yeah. Someone telling a story.” (Lavender)
The value placed on watching and listening to a story was in conveying information in a way that was understandable, engaging, and relevant. These three aspects made video resources accessible to participants. Stories, however, could also be conveyed in photographs and images. When discussing a photograph of two women breastfeeding their babies whilst talking to each other in a public area (which all participants liked), one participant refers to the story behind the image:
“Um, oh yeah, I liked that. It’s like, yeah, a story, as Summer said, you can think of a story between them, talking about babies and things” (Lavender)
Videos, particularly audio, were considered to be helpful in making information accessible, however participants felt strongly that people with an intellectual disability should be represented in these resources:
“but they were all done with people without learning difficulties” (Candy)
This perceived under-representation of people with intellectual disabilities was mentioned by different participants, with a core belief that people with an intellectual disability should be involved in the development and execution of accessible resources.
Theme 2: How easy is ‘easy read’? “Like you have got cancer” (Lavender)
The second theme relates to the accessibility of the resources that have been specifically designed and developed for people with an intellectual disability. Whilst some aspects of some of the resources were helpful (for example, sequencing information in a step-by-step format), other aspects were bewildering, provoking discussion. The word ‘confusing’ was used frequently with regards to the use of line drawings, with participants struggling to understand what some were portraying. They questioned resources such as NHS Fife and Porter et al [28], which uses a mixture of line drawings and photographs:
“The diagram ones aren't that, um, clear as the actual picture (…) Why is there just one random picture in a diagram? (…) Why are you putting them (line drawings and photographs) together?” (Kacie)
“I find it (line drawings) really inaccessible.” (Candy)
One part of a resource [27], which was trying to communicate the cost savings of breastfeeding was found to be particularly difficult to understand,
“Because there is cost on the picture and also the purse picture is confusing as well. I don’t know what... the clock and the pig bank. And the pig bank it says savings. I don’t understand” (Lavender)
Images alongside words, often used within easy read resources, were particularly confusing, highlighting the importance of checking understanding and careful consideration of how important information is portrayed. For example, in one easy read document [27]:
“Like you have got cancer (…) It says cancer but it looks like a radish or something” (Lavender)
“Yeah. It’s got cancer and you are breast feeding!” (Summer)
Rather than portraying the intended message that breastfeeding can reduce the risk of cancer, participants were confused as to how cancer was related to breastfeeding, signifying that unless the individual understands what the ‘image’ is meant to mean/convey, the meaning can be lost, or worse, misunderstood.
“Why breast feeding is best for you. And it’s the image of a woman and it says, it’s got a picture of something, broccoli” (Lavender)
This highlights the importance of checking that images convey the intended message. In this instance, a resource that has been designed to promote breastfeeding as an infant-feeding option, was understood to be communicating that breastfeeding will cost money and might give you cancer. There was agreement within the focus group that unless the individual understands what the image represents, it might communicate the opposite message to that intended.
Critical visual analysis
During the focus group, participants sometimes disagreed about which sites and modalities were important [39]. This was apparent when, for example, Kacie praised the Best Beginnings short films for their clarity (site of the image itself) whereas Summer focussed on the fact that the films were not made using actors with intellectual disabilities (a social decision made during production). However, our participants all returned several times to the photograph by Leilani Rogers [31] (see Focus Group Image 1). This is one of the alternative images we used, which differs markedly from the easy read format prevalent within existing resources on infant feeding. Here we apply Rose’s framework to the Leilani Rogers photograph to understand more about the image preferences of our participants, thinking about the site of production, the site of the image and the site of consumption/viewing by an audience [39].
The site of production: the technological modality of this image refers to its existence as a photograph. One of the most striking and contested aspects of photography is its apparent truthfulness, a seemingly objective trace of reality or evidence of how things are. This view is heavily contested within cultural theory [41]. The prevailing view is that photographs show us not what the world looks like, but what it looks like photographed. This is to understand the image as constructed using the compositional familiarity of a particular genre, which in this case is documentary photography. The social modality refers to the social and political relations that surround the image, in this instance the social and cultural context within which breastfeeding takes place. This includes the photographer’s motivation to create empowering images that celebrate motherhood and contrasts sharply with shaming discourses of breastfeeding women [42]. Infant feeding support is often seen as tricky, risking emotional reactions which can either undermine or support decisions, contributing to mothers feeling embarrassed or self-conscious [43, 44]. These issues may be more acute for women who may already feel judged, observed and who may not see themselves in the images they observe.
The site of the image: this includes the composition and formal elements of the image e.g. use of colour, point of view, pose, cropping, exchange of looks. Two of our participants commented on the sociality of the composition:
“That’s quite nice, you feel like friends socialising. You are feeding your baby, but you are also chatting about what’s going on in life with your baby. And asking advice.” (Summer)
“Um, oh yeah, I liked that. It’s like, yeah, a story, as Summer said, you can think of a story between them, talking about babies and things.” (Lavender)
The photograph depicts an interaction between women, not between one woman and a healthcare professional. There is a relay of looks in which one woman looks at the other who, in turn, looks at one of the babies feeding. None of the characters look at the camera/viewer who is positioned as if in the space but not part of the interaction, thus allowing an unencumbered gaze with no confrontation. This sets up a visual dynamic that can be imagined as conversation and advice not instruction and risk management. In this sense it differs substantially from the visual tone of easy read imagery, which uses information graphics and diagrams to attempt a universal language of instruction. The women are standing in what appears to be a colourful gift shop, smiling and sharing the experience of infant feeding. Breastfeeding is represented as enjoyable, sociable, convenient and public. None of our participants commented on the public space of breastfeeding represented in this photograph. What mattered more was the sociality of the experience.
The site of consumption/viewing by an audience: this refers to the social practices that structure viewing. To view the images in a focus group is quite different to the experience of viewing them in a healthcare centre or at home. In practice health professionals are under pressure and have limited time to ensure that critical information has been understood. In the focus group we had deliberately presented alternatives to easy read imagery as an invitation to engage participants in a discussion about other forms of address. In this context the Leilani Rogers photograph functioned as a refreshing antidote to the text/image combinations of easy read resources, which by comparison were understood as more challenging to make sense of. Rogers’ photograph is not intended to impart healthcare information, yet it communicated something positive about breastfeeding on a social and affective level.