The ongoing disquiet in the economics literature regarding the role of quality of governance and institutions can be seen as part of the endless search for deep determinants of economic prosperity and a relatively equal society. Essentially, this can be traced to the mounting displeasure dating back to the 1980s with what was, until then, the dominant neoclassical growth model established in the 1950s by Solow and Swan (1956). The typical neoclassical growth model identified capital accumulation as the critical factor in explaining levels of economic prosperity. However, successive attempts to empirically test the neoclassical model turned unclear (Zhuang, de Dios & Martin, 2010). This prompted further model advancements to a new strand of economics literature, known as the new institutional economics (NIE), following the preliminary work of North (1990, 1993, & 2008). NIE tries to extend neoclassical economics by including institutional analyses, focusing on the role of government institutions in explaining short-to-long-term economic prosperity in terms of income distribution (North, 2008). The author defines government institutions as the “rules of the game,” that is, the human-devised informal and formal regulations that shape the interrelationships of human beings. Subtly, formal government institutions primarily refer to the statutes, constitutions, and explicit government rules and protocols organized and enforced by objective mechanisms —most significantly, the state with its strong-arm powers and organization. On the other hand, informal institutions comprise undocumented rules such as traditions, customs, codes and norms of conduct, taboo, and other frameworks vested in and enforced through interactions and interpersonal ties (North, 2008).
Alongside these theoretical advancement assertions, accrued experience among the global development agencies point out that structural change and economic stability policies based on external aid routinely fail or are thwarted by overriding political and institutional factors. This has pushed for efforts to interrogate the political atmosphere and institutional processes that affect policy inceptions and implementation beyond the contents and structure of the policy itself (Burnside & Dollar, 2004). The greater involvement of enormous structures in determining policies, their performance, and results has resulted in the modern-day quality of governance—which refers to the ruling or the entire system of political institutions and use of political powers to run an economy (Burnside & Dollar, 2004). Thus, according to this definition, good state governance quality aids in solidifying democracies, and social cohesion, reducing poverty, ensuring economic prosperity, and deepening trust in governance and public administration (Turnovsky, 2011). In line with this definition, Kaufmann, Kraay, and Mastruzzi (2007) advanced the working description of governance to what is currently highly used as a set of government indicators popularly known as Worldwide Governance Indicators produced by World Bank; i) voice and accountability index, ii) political instability index, iii) government effectiveness index, iv) control of corruption index, v) regulatory quality index, and vi) the rule of law index (Kaufmann, Kraay, & Mastruzzi, 2009). For every economy, these component indicators are aggregated and rescaled using an unobserved-components technique to produce a value centered at zero and run from negative to positive. Large positive values represent a high quality of governance, and the converse is also true, as discussed further in section 3 of this paper.
Several recent empirical studies have used the listed governance indicators with regional income disparity differently. The first strand of literature has focused on individual governance measures and income inequality—for instance, Sarkhosh-Sara et al. (2020) use economic freedom as a proxy for governance quality indicators in explaining the Italian regional income inequalities. The study findings indicate that economic freedom is significantly related to income inequality. Similarly, Li et al. (2000) use the corruption control index as a measure of governance quality to link governance and income inequality and observe an inverted U-shaped association: very high corruption levels are linked with low-income inequality levels. Contrary, Dobson and Ramlogan-Dobson (2012), analyzing the informal sector in Latin America, document evidence of an association between corruption and income disparity. They further argued that where weaker government institutions (compounded by large informal sector), it might be significant to allow corruption to thrive.
Regarding regulatory governance quality, Ciani and Torrini (2019) observed that poorly constructed tax-benefit systems contribute to Italy’s income inequality. Focusing on the quality of local institutions, Lasagni et al. (2015) observed that the better the quality of local institutions, the higher the creation of income and firm productivity in Italy. Along the same line, Sonora (2019) analysed the effect of the rule of law on income inequality in Latin American nations. The author observed that quality of property protection via effective control of corruption and effective legal regime narrows the income gap between the poor and the rich. Focusing on 36 Asian economies, Huynh (2021) examined the influence of institutional quality on the relationship between foreign direct investment and income distribution. The study concluded that institutional quality moderates the effect of foreign direct investment on income inequality.
The second strand of literature increasingly attracting much attention focuses on developing regions, specifically SSA. Using four governance indicators; government effectiveness, the rule of law, corruption, and political rights, Adeleye et al. (2017) examined the interactive effect of government institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa and deduced that ability to control corruption reduces income inequality and increases economic growth efficiency. Likewise, Hossain and Rahman (2017) observed that the quality of governance increases the inflows of FDI, hence decreasing the income inequality in SSA. Ajide, Adeniyi, and Raheem (2017) indicated that political stability, government effectiveness, and control of corruption influence income inequality by diverting resources meant for economic development. Similarly, focusing on the SSA region, Lahouij (2017) affirms that the quality of governance is significantly linked to economic growth regardless of income level. The study indicated that the rule of law, political stability, voice, and accountability influence the per capita income. More recently, Nyiwul (2021) used fractional regression and opined that there is a significant negative relationship between the quality of climate policies and social inequality in Africa. Sarkodie and Adams (2020) analyzed the impact of corruption control and distribution income on electricity access in South Africa. The authors observed a long-run positive relationship between income level attributed to the control of corruption and the quality of electricity access. Similarly, Nguyen et al. (2021) observed that effective governance or state institutions and educational expenditure decrease income inequality in developing and developed nations. The author observes that economic growth widens income inequality and narrows foreign direct investment in developing countries.
In sum, while the reviewed studies confirm the significant link between the quality of governance and income inequality in developed and developing regions, it is essential to highlight how the quality of governance affects income inequality. First, the quality of governance indicated by political instability, government ineffectiveness, and outright corruption limits economic growth and reduces the FDI, foreign aid, and cross-border trade, widening the income gap between the rich and the poor (Halder & Sethi, 2021). On the other hand, economies with robust institutions increase the FDI-economic growth-led development, but weaker institutions promote FDI volatility which influences economic growth negatively (Boateng et al., 2021). In this study, we include FDI and economic growth as the control variables on the link between the quality of governance and income inequality. Indeed, nations with stronger institutional quality encourage donor-funding economies and neighboring trade partners to engage and derive economic lessons from the economies with high-quality governance and institutions (Nketia et al., 2022). Agreeably, in economies with fragile institutional policies and quality of governance, poverty responds less to redistributive policies and income growth; thus, correcting inequality through quality governance would be pivotal for poverty reduction (Posel & Casale, 2020). Empirically, studies (Alam et al., 2017; Azam & Emirulah, 2014; Jiandang et al., 2018) have confirmed a significant positive connection between the quality of governance and economic growth in developing nations in Asia, Pacific, and African regions. We extend this literature by determining whether a significant link exists between the quality of governance and income inequality and, second, by ascertaining the influence of FDI and economic growth on the connection between governance and income inequality in SSA.