Innovations in pottery technology that emerged in the La Tène period in Central Europe reflect the most notable changes in pottery production since its inception in Neolithic societies. These innovations have contributed to the considerable technological diversity observed during this period. The diverse technological practices reflect the development of complex socio-economic relationships within the pottery production system and indirectly indicate the dynamic evolution of the structure of the La Tène society (Arnold and Gibson 1995; Schönfelder 2009; Buchsenschutz et al. 2012). The potter's wheel or, more generally, the use of rotational motion in pottery forming was one of the principal innovations. This innovation is particularly important for studying La Tène society due to its specific requirements and performances (Roux and Corbetta 1989; Roux 2019). The prerequisite for spreading of this innovation is fulfilling these requirements, corresponding to the specific socio-economic conditions at the time.
Study of the use of rotational motion in pottery-forming has a fruitful tradition, especially in Near East and Mediterranean archaeology. The study focused on the development of techniques suitable for the identification of various means of the use of rotational devices and the conceptualisation of this innovation within the social and cultural context (Roux and Courty 1998; Knappett 1999, 2004, 2016; Roux 2003, 2009; Berg 2007, 2009; Roux and de Miroschedji 2009; Jeffra 2011, 2013; Crewe and Knappett 2012; Knappett and Leeuw 2014; Gauss et al. 2015; Gorogianni et al. 2016; Röckl and Jacobs 2016; Baldi and Roux 2016).
This kind of approach to studying wheel-made pottery in Central Europe is exceptional. Many authors intuitively use technical characteristics or concepts of organisation of manufacturing process without grounding them in adequate analytical methodology, argumentation or evidence. Petrographic and mineralogical analyses are usually focused on provenance without a theoretical framework for an appropriate interpretation of the data. Ch. Gosden applied the most comprehensive approach to the various aspects in studying La Tène A wheel-made pottery (Gosden 1983, 1985, 1987). Attention was mostly paid to the first wheel-made pottery in the context of the Late Hallstatt period (Balzer 2015; Tappert 2015). Other publications were focused on the later stages of the La Tène period (Cumberpatch and Pawlikowski 1988; Cumberpatch 1993a, b, 1995). Apart from the provenance and visual characteristics of pottery, only minor attention was paid to the diversity of manufacturing processes and their significance for interpreting changes in pottery production in the context of the social and economic environment.
The approach applied in this study relies on the idea that technology is not merely a means of manufacturing objects but one of the essential dimensions of cultural existence. Technical practice is a cultural phenomenon combining various elements, many of which are not purely technical – locations, actors, gestures, tools, raw materials, organisation, knowledge, ritual and taboos. Such combinations create specific technological styles or chaîne opératoires (e.g., Leroi-Gourhan 1964; Lechtman 1977; Haudricourt 1987; van der Leeuw and Torrence 1989; Gosselain 1992, 1998, 2000, 2011; Lemonnier 1992, 1993; Pfaffenberger 1992; Dobres and Hoffman 1994; Stark 1998; Dobres 2000; Sillar and Tite 2000; Skibo and Schiffer 2008; Stark et al. 2008). All the elements (irrespective of whether human or nonhuman) act in their creation and reproduction (Knappett and Malafouris 2008; Knappett 2016) and each technical practice is conceptualised as a cultural trait with a priori unknown dependence (cultural, social, technological, economic, symbolic, etc.) on other traits.
The key aspect in this study is the nature of the technological changes. We approached this aspect within the discourse on the theory of cultural evolution (e.g., Boyd and Richerson 1985; Shennan 2002; Henrich and McElreath 2003, 2007; Collard et al. 2006; O'Brien and Shennan 2010; Nunn et al. 2010). This theory provides a fruitful basis for conceptualising cultural change without reducing the perspective of cultural transmission to simple information transfer by learning mechanisms. The exploration of similarities and differences among chaîne opératoires in time and space is based on the performance analysis of the components of chaîne opératoires. Performances facilitate specific interactions between objects, people, and the environment. Performances in activities all along the behavioural chain define social, symbolic, and utilitarian functions of an object or process (e.g., Schiffer and Skibo 1987; Lemonnier 1992; O'Brien et al. 1994; Fitzhugh 2001; Skibo and Schiffer 2001, 2008; Schiffer 2004). Performances are means of interaction within the whole network in which the technology is incorporated. The mapping of performances is a way of illuminating the individual components of chaîne opératoire without a priori attributing the value of the trait according to its performance. The meaning of the trait arises from the context of other components of the chaîne opératoire.
The concept of performance is particularly interesting when considering the use of rotational motion for pottery forming because this general technological idea can be practised in various ways. The different ways of applying the concept imply the different performance characteristics of the respective methods (skill, production and tool requirements) with the consequences for their potential to be transmitted within the population. In this respect, the distinction among methods based on the contribution of rotational movement in the forming sequence is crucial (Henrickson 1991; Courty and Roux 1995; Berg 2007, 2008a; Roux 2010; Thér et al. 2017). We define three levels that simplify the diversity of the use of rotational movement but represent critical differences in the performance of forming methods: (a) the application of rotational movement to regularised the surface and correct the shape of the vessel (wheel finishing); (b) the use of rotational kinetic energy (RKE) to shape and thin the walls of the vessel (wheel shaping) and (c) using RKE throughout the forming process (wheel throwing).
The exclusive use of RKE in the forming sequence (wheel throwing) provides time-saving efficiency but requires higher skill levels (Roux and Corbetta 1989; Roux 2019). Conversely, other methods may be less efficient and demand fewer skills (wheel finishing) but yield novel visual performances of products compared to alternative forming methods (cf. Foster 1959; Nicklin 1971; Kramer 1985; Gelbert 1997; Roux and Courty 1998; Thér et al. 2015b; Roux 2019). The performance characteristics of these methods, encompassing skill and tool requirements, efficiency, and visible effects on the finished product, play a pivotal role in replicating and disseminating these practices within society. The value attributed to a particular performance is not universal and depends on the cultural, social, and economic context. For instance, time-saving efficiency may be inconsequential in situations where time is not a pressing concern, and a specific visual appearance may hold little importance if there is no desire for such an aesthetic result (the role of the cultural and social context in the innovation process is frequently emphasised in the anthropological literature e.g., Haudricourt 1987; van der Leeuw and Torrence 1989; Gosselain 1992, 1998, Lemonnier 1992, 1993; Pfaffenberger 1992; Marcia-Anne Dobres and Hoffman 1994; Stark 1998; Maria-Anne Dobres 2000; Sillar and Tite 2000; Skibo and Schiffer 2008).
As has been suggested, the reason for imitating the innovations need not be the performance of the process but the performance of the resultant product. The potential depends on the degree to which the results of an innovation can be perceived by users (Rogers 1983). The performances of the products co-define the learning dynamics of the respective manufacturing processes. The product attributes with visually distinctive performances express social or cultural information, which can be communicated independently of the manufacturer. On the other hand, manufacturing processes such as paste preparation, forming or firing are based on technological actions that can only be transmitted through direct learning. The pottery attributes that are a consequence of these manufacturing processes are not regarded as representing a means of social communication, but more indirectly, they reflect the social communication amongst potters and potters and pottery users (cf. Gosselain 2000). Furthermore, it is acknowledged that the adoption of a cultural trait can occur for reasons unrelated to its performance (Roux and Courty 2013). As a result, we do not consider the performance approach an explanatory concept.
The significance of individual performances is transformed in changing cultural, social and economic environments. The study of the evolution of technology in relation to social configurations and their transformations is a means of illuminating the social dimension of technological changes. The La Tène period in Central Europe is a suitable arena for such a study.
The beginning of the La Tène period (LT A phase, 480/460–390/375 BC) remains related to the late Hallstatt culture of the preceding period (Ha D2–3; 540/530–480/460 BC). In the central regions of Northeastern France, Southern Germany, and southern and western parts of Bohemia, this period is characterised by a high degree of centralisation and social stratification, accompanied by strong elite manifestations such as Mediterranean imports, fortified settlements and elaborate burials under mounds. On the other hand, there is no evidence for specific centres of production (e.g., Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978; Kristiansen 1998; Pauli 1980; Bintliff 1984; Pauli 1984; Nash 1985; Dietler 1989, 1995; Brun 1995; Pare 1991). The LT A period in Bohemia is associated with the earliest evidence for wheel-made pottery (e.g., Thér and Mangel 2014). The transition between the LT A and LT B phases in Bohemia was accompanied by significant social changes, including the discontinuity of burial practices and settlement areas in most known cases (Venclová 2013a; Dreslerová et al. 2022). The entire subsequent period of LT B–C1 (390/375–190/175 BC) was characterised by social decentralisation and the absence of distinctive elite features. Lowland agricultural settlements predominated. It is difficult to identify them on the basis of the poorly distinguishable settlement pottery, especially in the LT B phase (Rulf and Salač 1995; Salač and Kubálek 2015; Dreslerová et al. 2022). The deceased were buried with more or less standardised grave goods in flat, predominantly skeletal cemeteries and represent the primary knowledge source. During the LT C phase, in addition to the common agricultural settlements, large central lowland agglomerations with evidence for specialised production and long-distance contacts begin to appear (e.g., Büchsenschütz 1995; Collis 1995; Cumberpatch 1995; Salač 1996, 2011; Augstein 2006; Trebsche 2020). Simultaneously, the settlement network became denser, expanding into previously unfavourable peripheral areas (Waldhauser 1985; Danielisová et al. 2019).
Further significant social changes are evident in the transition between LT C1 and LT C2. These changes are associated, among other things, with changes in burial rituals, which resulted in a decrease in burial evidence in the following period. The LT C2–D1 period (190/175–50/30 BC) is also associated with further diversification of settlement forms, indicating an increase in economic interconnectedness within society and a more developed division of labour (Renfrew 1974; Crumley 1987, 1995a, b;chsenschütz 1995; Thurston 2009). Fortified centres known as oppida became a significant phenomenon during this period. The oppida partly take over the functions of the open lowland settlement agglomerations, which mainly engaged in long-distance exchange and specialised production (Collis 1984, 1995; Brun 1995; Büchsenschütz 1995; Crumley 1995a; Wells 1995; Salač 1996; Venclová 2002; Augstein 2006; Danielisová 2011).
This study builds on our previous work on the introduction of the potter's wheel in Central Europe in a small region in Eastern Bohemia (Chrudim region) (Thér et al. 2014, 2015a, b, 2017) and the densely occupied Brno region in Southern Moravia (Thér and Mangel 2021). Analysis of these regions demonstrated the differences in trajectories leading to establishment of the potter's wheel in regions with different socio-economic conditions, suggesting the dependence of the innovation process on these conditions. The Brno region exhibited continuous development with an increasing proportion of wheel-thrown pottery, indicating technology transmission via a wide learning network of producers. In contrast, the Chrudim region provided evidence for disruptive technological changes, characterised by regression of the use of rotational movement in pottery-forming and even a change in the direction of rotation (Thér and Mangel 2021). The presented study substantially enlarges the analytical dataset and explores the diversity of technological practices on a broader geographical scale in several regions of the Czech Republic with various demographic, social and environmental conditions during the relevant period.
The main questions in the analysis are:
1. How was rotational movement employed in the pottery-forming sequence?
2. Is the appearance of the innovation and its form associated with the attributes of social complexity and inequality?
3. How did these aspects change during the La Tène period?
4. How has the application of the innovation and its integration into pottery production varied in different regions?