Violence in Context. Lethal Traumas in the First Colonization of Lanzarote Island (Canary Islands)

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-3349431/v1

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Violence in Context. Lethal Traumas in the First Colonization of Lanzarote Island (Canary Islands)

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-3349431/v1

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Lanzarote is marked by a scarce preservation of skeletal remains of the Berber populations that inhabited the island before the Norman Conquest in the 15th century AD. This is an anomalous situation for people that lived uninterruptedly on the island for about 1,400 years.The recent study of the few available human bones is providing transcendental data for the knowledge of the ways and conditions of life and, especially, of conflicts involving physical violence. The aim of this paper is to analyse the evidence of bone trauma in two individuals, male and female respectively, and to discuss the manner of their deaths. The results suggest the male was repeatedly stabbed, while the traces in the female consist of several energetic blows to the skull. Both cases display patterns of lesions revealing different forms of violence of significant interest for the comprehension of the conflicts and historical contexts in which they occurred. Apart from the lethal injuries themselves, the early chronology of the remains and the type of weapons used provide an exceptional opportunity to explore one of the least known moments in the first human history of Lanzarote: the initial stages of the stable colonisation of the island by imazighen groups.

Colonization process

island-Amazigh population

lethal violence

sharp/blunt force trauma

overkilling

isolation

The Canary Islands archipelago is in the mid-Atlantic Ocean, off the coasts of southern Morocco and Western Sahara (Fig. 1). It shows a relatively recent human occupation, starting from the first centuries of the Common Era, 1st and 3rd centuries (Velasco et al, 2019).This settlement was performed by Libyan-Berber groups until their conquest by European countries in the late 15th century.During this African stage, although the islands share some features in common, each of them seems to have had a relatively autonomous development, with little evidence of contact either between them or with the mainland. Nonetheless, solid evidence has been found of the occasional arrival of new groups at specific times during the settlement sequence (Alberto et al, 2022a, b).

These circumstances gave rise to an exclusive cultural model, as it is the only example of the stable occupation of oceanic islands by Berber ethnic groups for about 1,400 years, with the current chronological points of reference. Grosso modo, the island-Amazigh populations followed a farming way of life and made use of the marine environment, with variations depending on each island. Despite the similarity with the lands that the colonisers came from, the island ecosystems imposed a process of adaptation with some distinctive aspects; for example, and in connection with the present study, the lack of metal ores. This meant that they needed to resort to lithic implements and develop technology adapted to the volcanic environment of the archipelago (Galván and Hernández 1996).

Lanzarote, located some 140 km from the western coast of North Africa (Fig. 1), with an area of 846 km² and a maximum altitude of 641 masl, is marked by low rainfall and less ecological diversity than the islands of greater relief (García et al, 2003). In this context, North African groups identified by the ethnonym of Majos, settled permanently the island. They developed there while maintaining a low demographic profile, as suggested by archaeological (Cabrera et al, 1999) and genetic data (Fregel et al, 2023).

The limited number of cemeteries and human remains, even acknowledging the existence of a small population, is surprising for a period of about 1,400 years before the island was conquered by a Norman expeditionary force in 1403. The record is limited to a scanty and poorly-documented osseous repertory obtained through casual finds and old excavations, mostly without skeletal correspondence. Until now, no absolute dates were available for the remains and therefore one of the first objectives of recent studies has been to establish a reliable chronological framework for the assemblage. That research analysed the partial remains of 28 individuals, of which 21 correspond to the ancient aboriginal population and the other seven to remains from different times in the colonial period (Alberto et al, 2022b). The dates obtained have shown that Lanzarote was fully occupied from the third century CE, as the oldest remains were found in distant points of the island. They also showed that at first the original occupants chose volcanic tubes and caves to bury their dead, in a similar way to the rest of the archipelago.

Although these human osseous remains have been included in previous generic studies (Garralda 1985; Cabrera et al, 1999; Owen 2007; Atoche et al, 2008; Rodríguez et al, 2016; Soler 2016), the lack of absolute dates meant that they could not be discussed from a historical point of view or by considering expressions of behavioural variability. Now, despite the paucity of information about the context of the finds, the present study of osseous remains has revealed data related to the exercise of physical violence that had gone unnoticed until now.The specific lesion patterns, the distribution of lesions and the types of weapons used have revealed remarkable information about the encounters, as well as the nature of the violent conflicts on a critical chronological period, linked to the first moments of permanent occupation of the island.

Archaeological background

Remains of a male individual come from a casual find made in 1968 in a volcanic tube called La Chifletera (Fig. 1). The site is a long underground corridor, about 700 m long, with two entrances: one in a sea-cliff at a height of 12 m, which can only be reached by climbing a very slippery vertical wall, and the other very small and well hidden in an area of lava. Subsequently, in 1969, a hasty intervention was carried out to recover the remaining pieces, except for the cranium, right femur and tibia and some ribs and short bones from the hands and feet. The reports emphasised the find of two tresses of hair; a plaited tress of red hair 50 cm long and a blonde tress, also plaited (Soler 2020).

These remains were found in an alcove of the volcanic tube, 30 m from the inland entrance. This access is not straightforward because the entrance is only about 50 cm in diameter and leads to a shaft 4 m deep. Judging by the taphonomic alterations to the bones, the colour and erosion of the cortical tissue, it can be deduced that the body was left on the surface in a supine decubitus position.

The mandible and the sternum are today in the Museum of Nature and Archaeology (MUNA) in Tenerife and the other finds in a storehouse of archaeological collections of the Cabildo of Lanzarote, the local Government of the island. Among the latter, there is a second sternum that does not correspond to this individual because his is the one in the MUNA. The lack of precise data about the context of the find and deficient custody conditions mean that we cannot now be sure whether this was an isolated burial or if the male individual shared the mortuary space with at least one other person.

As regards the funerary ritual, the reports cite a piece of burnt wood, some pieces of fractured potsherd and some Patella shells. As these are now missing, the possibility of offerings or grave goods cannot be assessed.

Regarding the remains of the female, in the custody of the Cabildo of Lanzarote, are limited to the cranium and the jaw. These were also found in a volcanic tube: Los Jameos del Agua, which is now a very famous space set up for public visits (Fig. 1). This tube is formed by a complex series of passages about 7.5 km long, of which 1.5 km are flooded by the sea. In places it contains chambers 150 m high and 15 m wide. There is no information about the circumstances of the discovery or the whereabouts of the postcranial skeleton. It is possible, however, that the remains were found in 1977 when the tube was being prepared for visits since news reports mentioned the find of a skeleton that was nearly complete, apart from the tibiae and fibulae. But if the remains studied here correspond to that find, only the cranium and mandible have been conserved.

Methods

Following the usual standards, considering the skeletal representation of each individual, the sex was estimated on the basis of cranial and pelvic morphology (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994). Unfortunately, attempts to determine biological sex through DNA have been unsuccessful. Age at death was estimated on the basis of dental wear (Brothwell 1987; Chimenos et al, 1999), taking into account the dental particularities of the indigenous population (Delgado 2009), and the physical appearance of the postcranial skeleton: pubic symphysis morphology (Brooks and Suchey 1990), auricular surface morphology (Lovejoy et al, 1985; Buckberry and Chamberlain 2002), and sternal rib ends (İşcan et al, 1984). Finally, the height of the individual of La Chifletera was calculated following the standard advanced by Trotter and Gleser (1952), using the left femur and tibia.

Each bone was observed macroscopically with an oblique fluorescent light. In addition, those with traces consistent with trauma were analyzed with a Nikon SMZ1270 stereomicroscope. The lesions were described individually, photographed and annotated on a distribution diagram.

Identification and description of traumatic injuries was carried out following forensic anthropology criteria with a particular emphasis on defining the type of injury and its position (Lovell 1997, 2008; Rodríguez 2006; Galloway 1999; Symes et al, 2012; Kroman and Symes 2013; Martin and Harrod 2015; among others).Traits such as the plastic deformation, cortical delamination, colour and angle of the fracture margins, evidence of remodelling, osteophytes, rounded fracture edges, callus formation or bony bridges, were used to establish the time of bone damage (Sauer 1998; Moraitis et al, 2008; Cunha and Pinheiro 2009; Spencer 2012; Symes et al, 2012). Due to their importance in this study, special attention was paid to sharp force trauma (SFT) and blunt force trauma (BFT). SFT are injuries produced by bladed implements. This type of lesion tends to be straight and incised, and is characterized by well-defined and sharp edges, V-shaped profiles (Symes et al, 2012). However, the traits of the lesion vary depending on the type of weapon employed, the way it was used and the specific part that contacted with the bone (Lewis 2008; Tamminen et al, 2023). On the other hand, BFT is produced by low velocity impact with a blunt object or hard surface (Lovell 1997; Galloway and Wedel 2013; Kranioti 2015). When possible, a relationship was established among the different trauma to determine the causal correlations.

Individual from La Chifletera

The radiocarbon analysis places the time of death between the 3rd to the 4th centuries (D-AMS 036318: 1799 ± 26 B.P.; cal AD 207–338 Calib 8.20, 95.4%, 2σ). The skeletal remains show a high anatomical representation. However, note worthy is the absence of the cranium, as the mandible and tress of hair was found with the rest of the skeleton. The morphometric characteristics of the bones suggest a robust male between 25 and 35 years of age.

Trauma observed on the remains can all be classed as SFT. In the absence of the cranium, they are all found on the torso and upper limbs. A total of 15 cut marks, compatible with nine injuries, have been recorded. One of these was to the sternum, one to the left wrist and seven to the back.

Lesion 1

Sternum: curved cut under the second right rib notch, on the lateral and anterior faces (9.22 mm long), with a descending dorso-ventral direction from right to left (Fig. 2). This is the only lesion in the front of the body and, although it might have been made frontally, the direction and angle of entry is also compatible with a wound made from above and from behind while holding the victim’s body.

Lesion 2

Left ulna: shallow oblique incision on the distal articular surface (9.87 mm).

Left pisiform: complete oblique fracture of the upper part.

The wounds to the ulna and pisiform (Fig. 3) were made in the same descending action from right to left. It would probably have affected the pyramidal bone too, but this was not recovered. This type of trauma is consisting with a defensive injury (Schmid and Pollak 2006). The cut would probably have affected the flexor carpi ulnaris tendon and, although this injury would not be fatal, it would cause significant pain and loss of function in the arm.

Lesion 3

Third left rib: transversal cut in the inferior facet in the area of the neck. (Fig. 4)

Fourth left rib: transversal cut, V-shaped, in the superior facet, at the height of the tubercle that penetrated to the middle of the bone. The cut is longer on the posterior face (8.1 mm) than the anterior one (6.6 mm). A portion of bone was removed in the upper edge, with adhering flakes of bone (maximum width 1.8 mm) (Fig. 5).

Fourth thoracic vertebra: cut-mark, at an angle of 45°, in the left transverse process (5.5 mm) (Fig. 6A).

In this case, the three cuts correspond to the same stabbing action, compatible with a double-edged cutting blade (Subirana et al, 2008) (Fig. 6B). It was made from behind with the blade penetrating transversally between the ribs, affecting both of them and the vertebra. The force was then turned towards the caudal side. Thus, the impact was greatest in the fourth rib and only touched the third rib in its lower face at the time of penetration.These injuries might have reached the lung and even the heart,which could have been fatal (Subirana et al, 2008; Jordana et al, 2009).

Lesion 4

Left scapula: defect in the medial edge, next to the lower angle, consisting of an approximately semi-circular fracture (14.5 mm x 14.30 mm maximum width).

Seventh left rib: shallow incision on the posterior aspect of the middle shaft, (16.9 mm).The area of greatest impact shows a defect with bone loss.

The fracture of the scapula and incision in the rib occurred in the same action from behind that destroyed part of the scapula and affected the posterior surface of the rib body (Fig. 7), running obliquely from superior to inferior and from right to left.

Lesion 5

Tenth thoracic vertebra: cut in the posterior aspect, V-shaped, at an angle of 45°, where the lamina and the left inferior articular facet meet.

Eleventh thoracic vertebra: linear incision from the lamina to the medial edge of the left superior articular facet (4.29 mm x 2.97 mm).

These cuts were made in the same stabbing action from behind, running obliquely from inferior to superior and from right to left, which penetrated between the two vertebrae (Fig. 8).

It is compatible with a double-edged weapon, and may have affected the liver.

Lesion 6

Eleventh thoracic vertebra: in addition to the injury described above, the end of the right transverse process was removed in an oblique cut from left to right (Fig. 9).

This must also have affected the eleventh rib, but this one is missing. The wound was made from behind and is the only one on the right of the body.The stab wound could have affected the liver.

Lesions 7 and 8

Eleventh left rib: two parallel oblique incisions in the inferior aspect in the area of the neck. The longer one, nearer to the head of the rib, is 8.12 mm long and the second is 4.45 mm. They are shallow cuts from right to left (Fig. 10).

These seem to have been made by two stabbings, one immediately after the other, from behind. As the twelfth left rib is missing, it is not known whether it was also affected. It may have suffered the most damage and been fractured, as in the case of the third and fourth ribs by lesion 3. These lesions may have affected the left kidney.

Lesion 9

Twelfth thoracic vertebra: bevelled cut in the left side of the lower edge of the body (23 mm long x 7 mm maximum width). It coincides with the cut in the first lumbar vertebra (Fig. 11).

First lumbar vertebra: a linear cut in the left transverse process (18.2 mm) that is prolonged in the upper edge of the body (3.46 mm) (Fig. 12).

These cuts are compatible with a stabbing from behind, practically perpendicular and slightly from left to right. It may have also affected the kidney.

Individual from Los Jameos del Agua

The radiocarbon date places the time of death between 3rd and 4th century (D-AMS 036320: 1727 ± 26 B.P.; cal AD 214–261(36.7%) 276–340(63.3%) Calib 8.20, 95.4%, 2σ).Judging by the morphometric characteristics of the cranium and mandible, and considering the tooth wear (Fig. 13), these might correspond to a young female, about 18 to 25 years of age. Six wounds can be observed on the cranium. Three of these were severe: two contuse-penetrating traumatisms on the right and a (BFT) at the base of the skull. In addition, a fracture with loss of bone in the right zygomatic process, in the left nasal margin line and a penetrating wound in the right maxilla can be observed.

Lesion 1

Right parietal: the largest wound is immediately below the lower temporal line, towards the posterior area. It is oval, 30mm wide in the supero-inferior axis and 25mm in the antero-posterior axis. In the upper part of the trauma, a point of impact completely pierced the cranium, although part of the bone remained adhered. Two lines extend from the fracture; one towards the posterior (8.48mm) and the other towards the frontal (6.19mm) (Fig. 14A). The trajectory of the blow is descending and the lesion is compatible with a blunt-penetrating trauma.

Lesion 2

Right parietal: the second lesion is at the intersection of the sphenoid and temporal sutures. It is roughly circular in shape with irregular edges, 12 mm wide in the supero-inferior axis and 15 mm in the antero-posterior axis. The impact completely pierced the bone although a fragment remained adhered. One linear fissure runs caudally across the temporal bone (9.46 mm) and another across the sphenoid (6.31 mm) (Fig. 14B).The type of injury is compatible with a blunt-penetrating trauma.

Lesion 3

Occipital: a powerful blow at the base of the cranium produced a fracture around the occipital hole with two or three fragments removed. One of these had been reattached with glue but the others are missing. The fracture spread along the occipitomastoid suture to the jugular foramen (Fig. 15). The right edge displays an outer bevelling and flaking, and the left edge an inner bevelling. Intense signs of impact in the form of punctures are seen around the fracture.

Lesion 4

Facial skeleton: fracture in the right zygomatic process. It is a longitudinal fracture in the upper edge of the process with the loss of the bone (32.5 mm) (Fig. 16).The injury is consistent with a BFT.

Lesion 5

Facial skeleton: the left maxilla bone, in contact with the nasal margin line, is fractured and a longitudinal portion of the bone is missing (Fig. 17).

Lesion 6

Facial skeleton: penetrating wound in the right maxilla (21 mm x 3 mm) with flaking around the edges and a fissure towards the alveolus of the second right incisor (Fig. 17).

Cause of death of the individual from La Chifletera

The signs of trauma indicate this male probably died as a result of multiple sharp-force injuries in the course of a violent encounter. The injuries to thoracic elements were severe, causing a fatal outcome. Generally, these types of injuries cause great bleeding and pain (Kuhajda et al, 2014) and given their location they must have affected essential organs such as lungs and probably the heart, the liver and the left kidney. Consequently, the individual could have died immediately or shortly after the assault. The trauma to the left wrist appears a defensive injury. Other wounds cannot be ruled out, as SFTs to bone may represent only a percentage of all injuries inflicted (Banasr 2003; Collini et al, 2023).The evidence suggests the use of a sharp-double-edged weapon, as seen in the wounds in the third and fourth ribs and in the twelfth thoracic and first lumbar vertebrae. This might have been a dagger with a narrow blade.

It is hard to say whether there was more than one attacker but in principle it might be considered that there was only one. In the sequence of wounds, the wound in the chest could suggest a first frontal attack. However, it is quite possible that the injury to the sternum was made while the attacker held the victim from behind and stabbed him over his shoulder with a descending blow. In this way, all the important wounds would have been made from behind in rapid succession.

Cause of death of the individual from Los Jameos del Agua

The characteristics and location of the wounds reveal an episode of extreme violence. The seriousness of the lesions show that the young woman died from multiple blunt force injuries. These, especially the trauma at the base of the cranium and those in the right parietal, must have caused her immediate death. They were made with a blunt heavy object that would have had a pointed projection, although the use of two weapons cannot be ruled out. The injuries to the zygomatic process and the nose were also made with a heavy weapon. However, the injury to the maxilla differs in its characteristics and appears to have been made with a sharp or penetrating object; even so, this may have been the same weapon as used in the other injuries.

While no archaeological evidence has been found of the weapons used by the Majos, ethno-historical sources provide some descriptions of the implements they used in their struggles: “wood and stone weapons that included clubs, pointed sticks (with ends hardened by fire), and hurled stones” (Abreu Galindo [1632] 1977). The signs of punctures around the impacts in the occipital and parietal bones suggest the same weapon was used in both cases. They are compatible with a traditional type of canarian weapon used until the 19th century; a type of club or cudgel. According to Diston (2018), a merchant and chronicler of canarian society in the early 19th century, the cudgel was a thick truncheon with a large protuberance at the end that was sometimes covered with lead or nails to increase the harm done. This type of weapon, widely used with skill by the male population of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura after the Franco-Norman conquest, would explain the nature of the wounds that have been observed and which have here been described for the first time in bone injuries. Accordingly, this kind of weapon could have originated in the time of the ancient populations in the light of the present observations, although further evidence is needed.

Owing to the absence of intersecting wounds it is not possible to determine their sequence. In forensic anthropology, trauma to the right side of the skull normally are associated with blows coming from a right-handed perpetrator with blows delivered from a lateral position and especially with the perpetrator standing behind the victim. In addition, the occipital lesions are indicative of violent blows to the head purposefully inflicted from behind with the victim in an inferior position with respect to the aggressor, or at least with the head bent and probably immobilised, suggesting a force coming from behind. (Kranioti 2015). Hypothetically, the facial and temporal bones would probably have been affected first and then the base of the skull.

Historical considerations of the deaths and the forms of violence

The traumas identified on the individuals reveal different patterns of violence during a similar time in the first stage of the colonization of the Island.

It was concluded that the individual from La Chifletera was likely wounded nine times in a rapid succession, mostly from behind. Based on trauma evidence on his skeleton, appears he was the victim of an assault or of a homicide case rather than an inter-group confrontation (Nájera et al, 2010; Zou et al, 2021; Nicklisch et al, 2022).

It is significant that the weapon used to kill this person wasa double-bladed metal implement, compatible with a dagger. As no metal ores exist on the island, this instrument might have arrived with the first colonists and been preserved for a length of time, bearing in mind the oldest dates in the 1st and 2nd centuries CE for Lanzarote. However, it may have been also brought by someone who reached the island at a later time, albeit still in the early stages of the occupation. This would indicate that the first colonisation of Lanzarote did not occur in a single event, or at least the island was not as isolated as has been assumed. Instead, it would have been a more dilated phenomenon with movements between the continent and the archipelago; possibly in both directions but at least towards the island.

In the Canaries, the few known cases of trauma caused by sharp metal weapons have been understood as confrontations between the original population and European and Berber sailors in the late Middle Ages (Owen 2007; Santana et al, 2016). However, a case of SFT has recently been identified on one of the original inhabitants of Gran Canaria buried in the 11th century CE in a collective cave following the funerary ritual of the early populations(Delgado et al, 2023). This seems to confirm the arrival of people in different times of the pre-Hispanic sequence. Together with other archaeological finds, it is indicative of historical development that was less isolated than has been supposed (Alberto et al, 2023).

In addition to the type of weapon that was used, the pattern of injuries to the post-cranial skeleton of the individual at La Chifletera is quite different from the formulae of lethal violence that have been documented in the indigenous population. The methods of aggression chosen by the islanders were usually directed towards the head rather than any other point of the body (Delgado et al, 2018, Rodríguez and Martín 2009; Owen 2007). The injuries to the individual from Los Jameos del Agua coincide with the patterns observed on all the islands from the beginning to end of the Amazigh historical sequence. They represent the usual way of exercising lethal violence among the first island communities. In contrast, the pattern at La Chifletera is quite unusual, since this is the third case well studied in the archipelago.

The sex of the individuals is also important to know the scenarios of violence. In general terms, females are affected by a smaller percentage of lethal violence (Jensen and Matić 2017) and, according to the studies carried out so far, the Canary Islands are no exception to that trend (Delgado 2021, Owen 2007).The woman’s injuries from Los Jameos represent a form of extreme violence, expressly marked with the purpose of causing her death, in an overkill scenario. The accuracy and forcefulness of the blows can be interpreted as an indicator of deliberate and well aimed blows, in this case concentrated in the skull, performed by an experienced person. This, in turn, implies that perpetrators have been trained in standardised weapon-handling techniques.

The force of the blow to the posterior base of the skull from Los Jameos resembles some forms of execution(Fleischman 2019; Ta’ala et al, 2006).It may therefore be a case of institutionalised, or at least normalised, violence performed by people accustomed to that kind of act. Similar cases have been documented on the islands of Gran Canaria and Fuerteventura (Alberto et al, 2020; Delgado 2021). Ethnohistorical sources, although corresponding to a later time, refer to capital punishment within the systems of justice on the eastern islands. They are described as acts in which the prisoner’s head was struck forcefully, which in fact would be compatible with the injuries to this individual’s skull. In any case, the death of this woman recreates an act of great cruelty and excess of physical violence that went beyond the aim of killing her.

In contrast, the case of La Chifletera seems to reflect an attack or inter-personal confrontation, which could even be inserted in a murder context, in which the individual was mortally wounded. Here the large number of stab wounds also indicates an act of great violence, although the context of the attack does not seem to have been so premeditated. Nonetheless, the precision of the wounds, practically all of them to vital organs, reveals the intention of killing the victim, suggesting an attacker well trained or familiarised with the use of a metal dagger and very likely had taken part in other lethal conflicts.

Unfortunately, our limited knowledge of the context of the finds means that we do not know whether these two people received particular funerary treatment. They were both buried inside volcanic tubes, with difficult access, so it would not have been easy to carry the bodies there. In general, not only in Lanzarote but in the whole archipelago, single burials are unusual compared with the habitual collective mortuary behaviour. In both cases, the fact that they could be individual deposits, near the sea, may be related to the circumstances seen in other burials, when a victim of a murder or execution is buried in isolation in coastal locations (Alberto et al, 2020).

The chronology of the two individuals dates back to an early time in the colonisation of the island, showing that lethal violence took place from the start. In the case of La Chifletera, although the dagger may have been a precious possession kept by a native, it is also possible that it was brought by a new visitor or settler, who owned a weapon that was unobtainable for the population settled on the island. If the other cases of SFT documented at later times are linked to the arrival of new populations, we must consider the likelihood of encounters between the island residents and sailors or new arrivals. In any case, this is the only example of sharp force trauma known at such an early date in the whole archipelago.

The death of the female at Los Jameos was a possible form of execution within a system of justice that governed individuals’ life, including capital punishment, and which existed at least on the eastern islands of Gran Canaria, Fuerteventura and Lanzarote. The early chronology suggests this was cultural baggage brought by Libyco-Berber populations that they maintained in the archipelago during the Amazigh sequence. However, lack of information about the way of life of continental populations at that time hampers any comparisons. Conversely, data about the Canary populations may guide research into the customs of the continental groups. Nonetheless, although further archaeological records are needed to demonstrate the existence of capital punishment in an institutionalised justice system from the start of the colonisation, this woman’s death seems to correspond to a scene of excessive violence, possibly with the aim of threatening, dissuading or setting an example to other members of the community.

As proposed for other islands in the archipelago (Delgado et al, 2018), the tough ecological conditions on Lanzarote may have led to conflicts, sometimes resolved by violent tactics, as noted by the first chroniclers and historians. Ethnohistorical sources allude to endless fighting and skirmishes between communities because of livestock-rustling, appropriation of pastures or access to water. However, the nature and characteristics of these two deaths do not appear to match that type of conflict and instead would correspond to other scenarios. Thus, the percentages of physical violence documented by the few studies carried out to date for the original Canarian populations indicate a high prevalence (Delgado et al, 2018, 2020; Owen 2007; Velasco et al, 2018) in which, in addition to inter-group confrontation, other non-warlike episodes took place, such as the application of physical punishment, probably including the death penalty or, in other sense, sporadic fatal encounters with new arrivals.

The two samples presented are the oldest bioanthropological evidence on the island of Lanzarote and, practically, in the whole archipelago. They are therefore an outstanding resource for research into the first stages of the human occupation of the Canary Islands, and especially to delve into the contexts of conflict and violence experienced by those first populations.

The colonisation of an island with the conditions of Lanzarote must have been risky and with a large component of insecurity, which would often lead to situations of imbalance and social stress. In this context, physical violence could be employed in the resolution of such tension.

Two clearly different models of violence can be discriminated. One is unusual because it was probably associated with the arrival or visit of people with sharp weapons that could not be manufactured on the island and which caused significant wounds to the post-cranial skeleton. The other involved blows to the head with a blunt implement, probably made of wood with stones inserted in it, as documented in acts of violence during the Amazigh occupation of the archipelago. The determination of these differences helps to understand the signs of physical violence on the osseous remains and place them in their correct context. In turn, these cases generate socio-historical scenarios to help comprehend the first stages of the colonisation of Lanzarote. Further studies will enable more specific interpretations of how the mechanisms of violence altered over time and even their precise form on each island in the archipelago.

Acknowledgments

We thank the Cabildo Insular of Lanzarote for their constant support and for the facilities provided for access to the archaeological remains. We are also indebted to the director and technical staff of the MUNA, Conrado Rodríguez, Candelaria del Rosario and Mercedes del Arco, for their attention during the examination of the human remains. We would also like to express our gratitude to Eliezer Medina for his valuable comments on aboriginal weapons.

Funding

This work received funding from the Dirección General de Cooperación y Patrimonio Cultural of the Canarian Government in the framework of the proyect “Historical study of the bioanthropological remains of La Chifletera and Los Jameos del Agua”. The study is also part of the Research Project SEVIOCAN “Semantics of violence in the indigenous societies of the Canary Islands” (PID2022-142419OB-I00) funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation.

Non-financial interests: none.

Ethic Declarations

Conflict of Interest: The authors declare no competing interests.

Data availability

All data generated during this study are included in this article.

Contributions

VAB, TDD and JVV: Conception and design of the study, material preparation, bioanthropological analysis and first draft of the manuscript. JVV, VAB and FMM: prepared figures. ISM: Three-dimensional model of Los Jameos del Agua's skull and La Chifletera's sternum. MMB: Funding acquisition. All authors commented on previous versions of the text, read and approved the final manuscript.

Author Information

Authors and Affiliations

Verónica Alberto, Marco Moreno, Ibán Suárez, Félix Mendoza

Tibicena. Arqueología y Patrimonio. Arco ST., 6, 35004, Gran Canaria, Spain

Teresa Delgado

El Museo Canario. Dr. Verneau St., 2, 35001, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Spain

Javier Velasco

Servicio de Patrimonio Histórico Cabildo de Gran Canaria. Bravo Murillo St., 23, 35002, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Spain

Corresponding author

Verónica Alberto: [email protected]

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Violence in Context. Lethal Traumas in the First Colonization of Lanzarote Island (Canary Islands)

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Abstract

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Introduction

Material and Methods

Archaeological background

Methods

Results

Individual from La Chifletera

Individual from Los Jameos del Agua

Discussion

Cause of death of the individual from La Chifletera

Cause of death of the individual from Los Jameos del Agua

Historical considerations of the deaths and the forms of violence

Conclusion

Declarations

References

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