A well-crafted article title informs and can serve to attract readers. Authors must write titles that succinctly capture the central theme of their paper. Since titles function within the knowledge creation process, titles reflect disciplinary identity and expectations (Milojević 2017). In some disciplines, like math, titles focus on succinctness. Yet in other areas, like the social sciences, titles stress informativeness. In the medical sciences, the use of questions in titles has increased substantially since the 1960s, showing also geographical trends, representing perhaps institutional pressures to publish faster (Ball 2009).
The necessity to promote academic papers, to express disciplinary identity, to provide information, and other factors leads to various naming conventions, such as the use of colons in titles. Titles with colons (compound titles) are less succinct and potentially more informative. They move from making general statements (left of colon) to specific statements (right of colon). The specificity ranges from descriptive to declarative statements. Succinct titles may focus on providing topical information. Compound titles may add information about the method, research design, results, or conclusion of a study (Li and Xu 2019).
Title informativeness can be helpful when searching literature for a topic. The informativeness of a title can be a function of the words it contains and its length or word count. In the economics literature, longer titles receive more citations (“the informative effect”) than succinct titles (“the succinct effect”), but this is only true after the year 2000. Guo et al. (2018) attributes this to the rise of online searching, where retrieval technology is based on relevance algorithms that index keywords in various bibliographic fields. Li and Xu (2019) found that title length started to increase during this time frame, but defined title informativeness not solely based on word count but on the proportion of content words (e.g., nouns, verbs, adverbs) to function words (e.g., pronouns, prepositions, conjunctions). Titles with a higher ratio of content words are more informative. This may be complicated though if function words are overly specific, obscure, or non-normative in some way (Fox and Burns 2015; Thelwall 2017).
If a title poorly captures the information about the content of a paper, then papers may be overlooked by searchers even if the papers are relevant to them. Alternatively, if title information is framed in such a way as to seem non-applicable, even if the paper is relevant to a searcher, then such papers may be overlooked. For example, papers with titles that ask questions have been shown to receive more downloads but fewer citations than papers with other title types (Jamali and Nikzad 2011; Paiva et al. 2012). This suggests that the information captured by a question-type title is trendy, not informative, or that the authors are less certain of the findings. However, a disciplinary effect exists. Papers with titles that ask questions are cited more in the computer science literature (Fiala et al. 2021) but no citation effects were found for question-type titles in an ecology journal (Fox and Burns 2015).
As mentioned, the use of compound titles (titles with colons, hyphens, dashes) has grown in recent decades, especially in some research areas or disciplines. Li and Xu (2019) outline three types of compound titles that capture specific semantic content. These are titles that describe the topic and the method or design, titles that describe the topic and the results, and titles that describe the topic and the conclusion of a study. Additionally, some authors add geographical names to compound titles, which may not add key semantic information about a paper’s topic (Kou et al. 2018). Studies have shown that papers with titles that contain certain types of highly specific or obscure content, like genus or species information (Fox and Burns 2015), or specific geographical place names, receive fewer citations (Abramo et al. 2016; Costello et al. 2019; Jacques and Sebire 2010; Moradi and Asnafi 2016; Paiva et al. 2012; Thelwall 2017). The common explanation is that this kind of taxonomic or geographic specificity is extraneous to the study, and that it reduces the generality and thus the appeal of the results reported in these papers to searchers or potential audiences (Fox and Burns 2015; Thelwall 2017). However, pointing to more disciplinary differences, specificity might be appreciated in some disciplines, like entomology, where titles with specific genus and species names or geographic names have been shown to have greater impact (Murphy et al. 2019).
Abramo et al. (2016) and others (Fox and Burns 2015; Thelwall 2017) have reasoned that overly specific terms or words in titles, especially those naming geographic entities, tend to receive fewer citations because searchers reviewing these titles do not find them relevant even if the topic is relevant. Abramo et al. (2016) suggested, for papers with geographical names in titles, that “studies conducted at the country level would typically be less appealing that [sic] those dealing with the same subjects at the broader level. The researcher [or potential reader] could suspect that certain results would be influenced by country-specific traits, and therefore be difficult to generalize” (p. 13). However, papers without specific geographical names in the titles might still be limited to specific geographical areas, and this raises questions not only about why some authors include geographical information in titles but also why some authors do not.
There is compelling evidence that the use of geographic names in article titles reveals potential biases in the representation of Western and non-Western populations in the CHI Conference Proceedings. Specifically, Kou et al. (2018) found that “studies conducted with non-Western populations are significantly more likely to highlight study contexts in titles and throughout the text,” and that “studies of Western countries are significantly more likely to lack mention of the studied countries not only in titles, but also throughout the text of the papers” (Kou et al. 2018, p. 2). Their findings also revelaed that when country names were added to titles, they were often added at the end of a title, which suggested weak “semantic connections between the preceding ideas in the titles and the countries” (p. 8). Overall, their study suggests a geographical bias in the CHI literature to normalize findings based on Western populations and to exoticize findings based on non-Western populations. These findings, however, could be the result of researchers at or from Western nations conducting research on non-western populations, and may say little about how researchers use place names in titles when studying populations within their own nations.
Like Kou et al. (2018), our interest lies in examining the context in how authors use geographic names in titles. However, Kou et al. (2018) apply a simple binary classification of countries into Western and non-Western countries based on work by Huntington (2011). Burns and Fox (2017) use the Human Development Index (HDI) (Nations 2023), a compound index that measures a nation’s level of health, education, and standard of living, in order to identify more nuanced patterns in how countries are named in paper titles. Based on this, we ask the following questions for the current study:
RQ: Does the inclusion of geographical names in the titles of journal articles impact their citation counts, after accounting for the Human Development Index score for the named location?
In order to answer these questions, we propose the following hypotheses: