Kwahu Traditional Environmental Conservation Strategies
The bedrock of the Kwahu people's traditional environmental preservation practices, as in many traditional African societies (Adom 2018; Asante 2015; Awuah-Nyamekye 2014), is grounded in their profound comprehension of biodiversity and the intricate rapport between humanity and the natural world. Rooted in their worldview, which asserts the interdependence of human existence and the preservation of biodiversity, the inhabitants of the Kwahu Traditional Area firmly hold the belief that they bear a sacred duty as stewards of their environment. This duty is not merely a secular obligation but is fundamentally imbued with religious significance, as every facet of their environment is endowed with profound spiritual import within Akan cosmology (Anane 2003). It is from this rich ontological foundation that the Kwahu people have instituted a spectrum of measures aimed at the conservation of their natural surroundings. Notable among these conservation efforts are practices such as the belief in totemic animals (ntonmoa); the Kwahu's traditional conceptualization of land (Asaase Yaa) and water bodies (nsuo); and the observance of sacred or taboo days (nnabóne).
The Belief in Totemic Animals (Ntonmoa)
The belief in totemic animals is one of the ways by which traditional Kwahu people preserve nature. The Akan word for totemic animals is ntonmoa. In accordance with the insights of Sigmund Freud, a totem is “an animal, either edible or harmless, or dangerous and feared, …which stands in a peculiar relation to the whole clan. The totem is first of all the tribal ancestor of the clan, as well as its tutelary spirit and protector; it sends oracles and, though otherwise dangerous, the totem knows and spares its children” (Freud 1913:2).
Within the cultural context of the Kwahu people, the term "ntonmoa" encapsulates the intricate concept of totemism. This Akan terminology, quite literally, denotes “an animal serving as an emblem or a symbol to a particular clan" (A. Agyare, personal communication, November 18, 2017). The totems consist of specific birds and other animals that are deemed inviolable; they are not to be slain, harmed, touched, or consumed due to their profound religious significance. These deeply rooted beliefs and practices are intricately woven into the fabric of Kwahu culture, guided by their metaphysical conviction that a seamless unity exists between humanity and the natural environment. This interconnected and mutually reliant comprehension of the natural world finds expression in a renowned indigenous adage: We are the environment, and the environment is us: we are united and identify with nature (Tosam 2019:179). The Kwahu people, in common with numerous Akan societies, acknowledge the presence of spiritual forces that manifest in the human realm through the medium of spirit-possessed animals, notably totems. Moreover, they hold the belief that natural elements either serve as the abode for deities or possess their own inherent spirits. Consequently, their perspective on nature transcends the mere physical realm. In consonance with the broader Akan cultural framework, the Kwahu people posit that nature shares an intrinsic spirit, an elemental facet of the Creator, with humanity. This shared spiritual essence underpins the profound interconnectedness between humankind and the natural world, exemplifying the deep-seated kinship that exists. This profound connection between humanity and nature is manifestly expressed through the practice of totemism.
Within the traditional Kwahu society, it is widely held that totemic animals maintain a distinctive and sacred bond with the members of a given clan, as well as their forebears. These animals are believed to house the ancestral spirits of their respective clans, thereby compelling clan and community members to safeguard their "ntonmoa" against any form of harm or detriment. Infringing upon the sanctity of totemic animals is deemed a sacrilegious act, and it is strictly forbidden for a clan member to cause harm, take the life of, or consume the flesh of a totemic animal. Conversely, the community collectively advocates for the protection and preservation of these totemic creatures, as the very survival of the clan hinges upon their well-being. A key informant succinctly summarized this belief, asserting:
We perceive ourselves as integral components of the natural world; our existence is intertwined with nature, and, as a clan, our spiritual essence is intricately bound to our 'ntonmoa.' Each member of our community bears a unique responsibility for the safeguarding of their respective totemic animals. This imperative duty arises from the profound connection these creatures share with our ancestors, and any harm inflicted upon them could potentially invoke the displeasure of our forebears" (N.A Serebour, personal communication, July 05, 2017).
In a personal interview with a traditional Priestess, an illuminating perspective emerged regarding the historical repercussions of inadvertently causing the demise of a totemic animal. The prevailing practice dictated a meticulous series of ceremonies, the underlying intent of which was to convey profound respect and appease the ancestral, divine, and spiritual entities. These entities, in turn, were believed to harbor a measure of disquiet, which the rituals sought to mitigate by virtue of the reverence accorded to the deceased animal. Specific reference was made to the buffalo (ékoó), parrot (ako), and leopard (ósebó) within the context of this elaborate ritualistic framework. The diligent stewardship and protective demeanor displayed towards totemic animals function as an unequivocal conduit for upholding the profound connection between clans and their designated totemic creatures (O. Agyeiwaa, personal communication, November 05, 2017). Exemplifying this ethos, numerous hunters with whom we engaged stressed the utmost care taken to avoid the slaying of any totemic animal during their hunting endeavors. This conscientious restraint underscores the depth of the relationship shared between clan members and their totemic animals. In accordance with this perspective, an informant expounded that the killing of ntonmoa symbolizes the potential extermination of the entire clan, for ntonmoa are held in the highest reverence by the clan, being perceived as blood descendants of a common progenitor, bound together by a shared mutual obligation. As such, the preservation of ntonmoa emerges as an indispensable responsibility for the residents of the Kwahu Traditional Area. Table 2 samples eight distinct clans in the study area and their respective totems. These were compiled from our interviews with some of my key informants.
TABLE II. Kwahu Clans and their totemic animals.
| Clan | Totem | Symbolic meaning |
|---|
| Aduana | Dog | Friendliness |
| Asakyiri | Vulture | Calmness and Intelligence |
| Agona | Parrot | Eloquence |
| Asona | Crow | Statesmanship and Patriotism |
| Asenie | Bat | Diplomacy and Faithfulness |
| Bretuo | Leopard | Assertiveness and Bravery |
| Ekoóna | Buffalo | Honesty and Uprightness |
| Oyóko | Hawk | Patience and Bravery |
According to the insights gleaned from our informants, it is notable that beyond the primary totemic animal, clans within the Kwahu cultural milieu may adopt supplementary animals into their fold. Such adoptive choices are typically underpinned by a profound admiration for specific qualities embodied by these animals. This practice is rooted in a shared belief among the Kwahu people that certain animals possess distinctive characteristics from which human beings can draw lessons and derive meaning in their existence. Over time, this adoption may evolve into a relationship akin to kinship and subsequently culminate in these animals being recognized as totems. Consequently, numerous clans exhibit a multiplicity of totems. The essence of the human-nature relationship, as epitomized through totemism, imparts an ethical dimension to a diverse array of animal species. This imbued ethical significance is further underscored by the formulation of prohibitions and taboos by the Kwahu traditional community. These edicts are strategically designed to cultivate a respectful and responsible association with totemic animals. Within the Kwahu Traditional Area, such prohibitions and taboos, particularly concerning the slaying, consumption, or injury of totemic animals, are at times rigorously upheld, contributing significantly to the preservation of the natural environment. Consequently, the human-nature relationship prevailing amongst the Kwahu people signifies the ecological facet of the totemism phenomenon.
The genesis of totemism among the Kwahu people has conventionally been perceived as imparting religious and cultural symbolism to a clan. Nevertheless, the substantial importance of totemism lies in its capacity to curtail indiscriminate hunting, the harming, and the consumption of totemic animals, thereby revealing its pivotal role in environmental conservation. Totemic animals are held in reverence primarily due to their presumed special connection with the supernatural realm, thus serving as an insurmountable deterrent against harm, destruction, or consumption. A transgression in this regard is believed to incur dire consequences, such as affliction or even death, as precipitated by the concerned supernatural forces. The associated dread of coming into contact with totemic animals leads to an effective avoidance of human intervention, thereby facilitating the preservation of animal species and their natural habitats. In this context, it becomes evident how the Kwahu people have adeptly translated their theoretical worldview into a practical ethical framework. Through a series of fundamental actions and the underpinning assumptions regarding the universe, the application of totemism has evolved into a structured strategy that not only fosters the preservation of traditional environmental practices but also actively promotes their adherence within the Kwahu community.
The Conception of Land (Asaase Yaa) and Water Bodies (Nsuo)
Land (Asaase Yaa)
Reverently referred to as "Asaase Yaa" among the Kwahu people and numerous Akan societies (Boaten 1998; Larbi 2002), the earth or land, in the cosmological perspective of the Kwahu, assumes the roles of both a divine goddess and a nurturing mother. This deeply ingrained belief system offers a poignant explanation for the etymology of "Asaase Yaa," where "Asaase" denotes Earth/Land and "Yaa" designates a female born on a Thursday, in the Akan tradition. Within the ethos of the Kwahu and parallel Akan societies, "Asaase Yaa" is venerated as Mother Earth, the embodiment of fertility, and the unwavering custodian of truth (Konadu 2010; Sarfo-Mensah & Oduro 2007).
This distinctive interpretation of the concept of land, as it emerges from the worldview of the Kwahu people, has yielded a significant revelation in the context of this present study. It underscores the profound tendency of the Kwahu people to anthropomorphize a broad spectrum of non-human entities, with the land taking center stage in this phenomenon. This aligns with the concept of anthropomorphism, which, in its most comprehensive form, is defined as "the attribution of human traits to non-human entities" (Meredith Root-Bernstein et al. 2013:1578). This multifaceted phenomenon encompasses a spectrum of manifestations, ranging from the identification of parallels between humans and anthropomorphized non-human entities to a form of anthropomorphism wherein individuals embrace the personal belief that these anthropomorphized objects exhibit human-like characteristics and traits (Meredith Root-Bernstein et al. 2013). Existing scholarly discourse primarily explores the attribution of human traits to non-human entities within the context of animal species (Antonacopoulos & Pychyl 2008; Manfredo 2008). However, the empirical evidence emerging from the present study area illuminates a novel dimension, wherein non-animal objects, exemplified by the land, seamlessly fit into the nuanced frameworks that facilitate the comparison between humans and non-humans, and the subsequent assignment of human characteristics and traits to non-human entities.
Within the cultural fabric of the Kwahu people, the Land assumes a distinctly maternal character. Central to this construct is the role of women, specifically mothers, as the primary nurturers of children within traditional Kwahu society. A distinguished queen mother in the study area underscores this profound connection:
The connection between us, the Kwahu people, and the Earth as a mother becomes apparent when we view it through the prism of women's roles in our society. Women, in our community, foster societal growth through childbirth and child-rearing. Additionally, they wield a pivotal influence in food production, a cornerstone of human sustenance. To the Kwahu people, the Earth mirrors these functions; while we are alive, we cultivate the land to produce the food that sustains us, and when our journey on this Earth concludes, the land embraces us, offering a final resting place (N.A. Afriyie, personal communication, July 12, 2018).
The above excerpt underscores the anthropomorphic perceptions prevalent within the Kwahu Traditional Area regarding the land. It signifies a specific form of anthropomorphism, characterized as character imitation. In this mode of anthropomorphism, the anthropomorphized entity mirrors the traits, roles, and functions exhibited by humans. In the context of the Kwahu Traditional Area, the land embodies a form of anthropomorphized character imitation, marked by its feminine nomenclature and its alignment with specific Akan societal traits, roles, and functions associated with women. The land serves as a symbol of maternal care, guardianship, and sustenance, resonating deeply with the societal role of a woman within Akan culture. The process of imbuing land with anthropomorphic significance holds considerable merit as a strategic instrument for environmental conservation within the Kwahu Traditional Area. The act of anthropomorphizing the land serves a twofold purpose: it fosters ecocentrism while concurrently diminishing anthropocentrism. A research participant vividly illuminated how the anthropomorphization of land engenders a profound sense of care and protection: "I find it challenging to fathom why anyone would consider defiling the land. Land is akin to a mother. The same profound reverence and protective instinct I harbor for my biological mother are seamlessly extended to Mother Earth” (Afua, personal communication, November 05, 2017). Her statement encapsulates the notion that ascribing human-like attributes to land imparts a heightened sense of recognition and empathy among community members. This is predicated on the symbolic role culturally attributed to the land, thereby reinforcing its significance, and rendering it deserving of preservation efforts.
The profound connection between the land as a maternal figure and the societal roles of women in the Kwahu Traditional Area imposes a substantial responsibility upon women in the realm of environmental management and preservation. As primary caregivers to children, the elderly, and the infirm, the broader community places a reliance on women, given their pivotal roles. The labor undertaken by women in this locale predominantly revolves around the stewardship of natural resources, encompassing tasks such as water collection and storage, acquisition of fuel sources, procurement of food, and management of diverse categories of land, including swampland, forests, and agricultural terrain. This daily interaction with the land instills a heightened sense of vigilance among women in their relationships with the land and its resources. The rationale for this heightened care is rooted in the understanding that any negligence in the maintenance of the land and its resources can have profound consequences, impacting not only the lives of women but also the well-being of their families. This assertion is substantiated by data acquired during our fieldwork interviews. For example, among all the individuals interviewed, the findings consistently reveal that a higher proportion of women, in comparison to men, adhere to environmental taboos within the traditional area. Specifically, prohibitions related to farmland activities, such as the proscription of tilling the land on specified days, were observed by an impressive 95% of the women we interviewed. In stark contrast, our fieldwork data revealed that it was commonplace to observe men either embarking upon their farming activities or returning from them on these taboo days. The reasons cited for the scrupulous adherence to land taboos by women encompass a spectrum, ranging from the acknowledgment of the land's role as a maternal figure that merits periods of respite from the myriad services it offers to its dependents, to the recognition that women represent the primary beneficiaries of the land's provisions.
The sacredness of Land
The inhabitants of the Kwahu Traditional Area hold a profound and sacred reverence for the land they inhabit. Within this locale, a widely recognized adage resonates: "human beings are nothing but dust or soil." This adage underscores the prevailing belief that human beings are not only composed of the earth but also return to the earth upon their passing. Consequently, the earth is deemed the domain of the earth goddess and the esteemed ancestors, who are regarded as its rightful custodians. This linkage between the land, the earth goddess, and the ancestors imparts an inherent sanctity to the land, as these entities occupy a revered status within Kwahu culture. Notably, the land is perceived as a divine bestowment from the Creator to the ancestors. Thus, the people, in conjunction with the earth goddess, share in the ownership and guardianship of the land. This deep-seated belief functions as a regulatory mechanism, shaping the attitudes and behaviors of individuals regarding land utilization. In this context, as articulated by Falola and Amponsah (2012:69), “their (the Akan) earth goddess, known as Asaase Yaa, is highly revered and considered a provider, protector, owner, and mother of her people. She not only governs matters pertaining to the land, its fertility, and productivity but also assumes a pivotal role in upholding public morality. Those found guilty of desecrating the land face stringent sanctions under her jurisdiction.”
Due to the profound sanctity attributed to the land by the Kwahu people, a multitude of taboos and prohibitions have been instituted with the express purpose of safeguarding the land. Within the study area, certain actions are deemed abhorrent to Asaase Yaa, the earth goddess. These include the plowing of the land on Asaase Yaa's natal day, specifically Thursday, an act considered reprehensible1. Additionally, it is prohibited to engage in agricultural work on specific sacred days or times, as well as to hunt or cultivate on lands designated for royal burials. The excavation of graves without the requisite permissions, conveyed through libation and offerings, is also strictly forbidden. These taboos and prohibitions hold a well-entrenched position within the collective consciousness of the Kwahu people, and their observance carries profound ramifications for the environment. For example, abstaining from land cultivation on designated days serves as a vital strategy to mitigate the risk of land overexploitation and resource depletion. Furthermore, the delineation of particular lands for cultivation, along with the use of specific plants as soil quality indicators, presents a pragmatic approach. The presence of certain plants signifies the need for soil regeneration, while the emergence of different plant species indicates land fertility has been restored and is ready for use. This indigenous practice bears a resemblance to the scientific concept known as "shifting cultivation" (Heinimann et al. 2017; Mertz 2009). These restrictions on land utilization are intrinsically rooted in sustainability principles. Violations of these taboos are regarded as defilements of the land, and it is believed that misfortunes, such as drought, untimely deaths, and incurable diseases, may befall the individual or the community until the requisite rituals are performed for atonement. Numerous informants emphatically reiterated this perspective during our fieldwork interviews.
Given the profound spiritual significance attributed to the land within the study area, there exists a palpable and fervent interest among the people in all matters concerning land. They perceive it as a sacred duty to safeguard the ancestral land, a responsibility that they willingly undertake, even to the extent of risking their own lives. While some within the community, including traditional leaders and certain members, regard this deep spiritual connection as an exemplary approach to land protection and management, others perceive it as an expression of extreme conservatism. For instance, the leader of the Green Ghana Corporation, an environmental activist group, characterizes the local populace's spiritual attachment to the land as an impediment to development. In his assessment, most of Ghana's land is under the ownership and jurisdiction of local chiefs and traditional authorities. These communities, deeply enmeshed in their cultural reverence for the land and driven by their profound spiritual attachment, exhibit an unyielding determination to retain it and resist any attempts to transfer ownership. Consequently, both government initiatives and development enterprises often encounter formidable obstacles in their efforts to secure land from local chiefs for various development purposes. He contends that this unyielding stance adopted by traditional communities, while preserving their cultural heritage, is at odds with contemporary conceptions of development and can be counterproductive (Eric, personal communication, August 13, 2018). Previous research conducted within indigenous communities has substantiated this claim (LaDuke 1993; Ngulube 2002; Noyoo 2007). Consequently, a call for land reforms in Ghana has emerged from some quarters (Dauda 2009; Larbi 2006; Obeng-Odoom 2016), as acquiring land for development has become a contentious issue. This proposed reform suggests shifting land ownership from local chiefs to the central government, thereby vesting the government with complete authority over land administration and allocation (Adam et al. 2021; Cobbinah et al. 2020). However, many of our informants strongly oppose this proposed reform, contending that it would erode the sacred and reverential essence attributed to the land, as it would be influenced by secular worldviews inherent in government policies.
Water Bodies
During an informal discourse with the Gyaasehene, (the chief of security for the Kwahu Traditional Area), an illuminating perspective emerged concerning the sanctity ascribed to water bodies within the region. Within the Kwahu Traditional Area, these aqueous domains are venerated as the abodes of river deities, known as "nsuo abosom," evoking a sense of sanctity and reverence. Consequently, a set of guiding principles, framed as taboos, regulates the interaction with these rivers, prescribing a cautious and restricted approach. For instance, these venerable taboos prohibit activities such as farming near water bodies, the act of defecation or urination along riverbanks, and the fetching of water or fishing in specific rivers on designated days. The wisdom that underlies these taboos serves as a conduit for cultivating a mode of conduct that harmonizes the well-being of the individual, the community, and the environment. This trilateral dimension of taboo wisdom finds exemplification in the prohibition of defecating and urinating in the vicinity of water bodies. According to this particular taboo, a belief prevails that transgressors may suffer abdominal distension or swelling if they engage in such actions near water bodies. This apprehension deters individuals from violating the taboo. Beyond the fear associated with this consequence, a meticulous inquiry into the wisdom encapsulated by this prohibition reveals a profound ecological rationale. Defecating and urinating in water bodies, it is discerned, contravenes principles of sound environmental ethics, thereby introducing pollution to the water sources. This pollution poses a direct threat to the aquatic species inhabiting these rivers and, significantly, imperils the well-being of humans reliant on these sources for their sustenance and livelihoods. The implications of these taboos extend far beyond the individual, resonating with broader concerns of ecological preservation, cultural heritage, and community well-being within the Kwahu Traditional Area.
The study area reveals a distinctive topography, wherein numerous water bodies harbor shrines dedicated to river deities, both god and goddess, along the meandering courses of the rivers. These consecrated sites become the locus of libations and prayers, offered by local inhabitants who frequent these shrines to supplicate and fulfill pledges made to the river deities. Consequently, a designated zone, spanning several kilometers from the riverbanks and its immediate vicinity, acquires the sacrosanct status, thus affirming its role as hallowed ground. Intriguingly, certain precincts surrounding specific water bodies attain sacredness without explicit, ascertainable reasons, adding complexity to this spiritual landscape. Among the significant water bodies in the study area, such as the Afram River, several locales stand as repositories of sanctity where only spiritual rituals and ceremonies find endorsement. The indigenous populace exercises utmost caution when engaging in activities like fishing, thereby invoking an impervious shield of protection for the river and its inhabitants.
An illustrative incident, occurring in 1998, serves as a compelling testament to the profound spiritual reverence accorded to these waters. A visitor, heedless of local counsel, partook of fish from the Obenmu River at Nkwatia, subsequently developing a throat ailment of inexplicable origin. Medical investigations proved futile until the afflicted individual confessed to his consumption of river-caught fish. The remedy necessitated the performance of elaborate rituals aimed at appeasing the river goddess, eventually culminating in his recovery. This locally documented account reverberates as a tangible validation of the sacred character imputed to the river. In light of such occurrences, it becomes evident that the water taboos function as a robust defensive mechanism, diligently safeguarding these aquatic ecosystems from the harmful consequences of human activities that imperil their purity and vitality within the traditional area.
In stark contrast to the gradual erosion experienced by some traditional beliefs in Akan communities (Asante et al. 2017; Asante 2015; Awuah-Nyamekye 2012), the veneration of nsuo abosom (the river deities), remains robust and pervasive in the Kwahu traditional area. Insight garnered from our sources elucidates that, among the communities traversed by the Afram River, a strict taboo prevails, proscribing fishing activities in the river on Tuesdays. This prohibition is rooted in the prevailing belief that Afram, the goddess presiding over the river Afram, was born on a Tuesday. Consequently, this day holds a sacred status as a period of repose for the river goddess, who is envisioned to spend this day in the company of her progeny, predominantly comprising the aquatic inhabitants of the river. In a parallel manifestation of these beliefs, the Bupru River at Kwahu-Tafo stands as a domain where fishing is categorically forbidden, a directive stemming from the conviction that the piscine inhabitants are deemed the offspring of the spiritual entity residing within the river. However, the residents are accorded the liberty to draw water from the river for domestic purposes, including drinking. Table 3, presented herein, provides a comprehensive inventory of major water bodies within the Kwahu Traditional Area, along with their associated deities and the respective taboos ascribed to them. In each instance, a transgression of these taboos carries the potential for severe retribution, a point emphatically attested by the numerous accounts conveyed by our informants, narrating the consequences suffered by those who violated these sacrosanct edicts. Beyond the religious narratives that underpin these water taboos, a discernible and pragmatic facet emerges. It becomes evident that these taboos have functioned as a tangible safeguard, offering protection to the imperiled aquatic species and the sanctity of water bodies that grace the traditional area. This intricate tapestry of cultural beliefs and taboos serves as a tangible defense mechanism, shielding both the ecological equilibrium and the spiritual heritage nestled within the traditional area.
Table III. Some major rivers in the study area and their associated gods/goddesses
Source: Authors’ Fieldwork notes
| Name of River | Associated god/goddess | Taboos / Prohibitions |
|---|
| Afram | Afram | No fishing on Tuesdays; No use of chemicals for fishing; No visit to the river by menstruating women |
| Obenmu | | No fishing in the river; No visit to the river by menstruating women |
| Bupru | Bruku | No visit to the river with torchlight; No visit to the river by menstruating women; No fishing in the river. |
| Dedemu | | No fishing in the river; No visit to the river by menstruating women; No farming close to the river |
| Oworobong | | No fishing in the river; No visit to the river by menstruating women; No farming close to the river |
| Asubone | Asuo Yaa | No visit or fishing on Thursdays; No farming close to the river |
| Obosom | Obosom | Forbidden to visit the river with black pot; |
| Akaworonsu | | No farming close to the river; No visit or fishing on Fridays |
| Adowa | | No crossing of the river with a dead body (corpse) before 6 p.m. on Fridays; No fishing or drinking from the river |
| Oku | Oku Abena | No farming close to the river; No visit or fishing on Tuesdays |
| Mmenkyeremu | | Forbidden to wash at the riverside; No stepping into the river with footwear |
| Pra | Obosom Pra | No farming close to the river; No visit or fishing on certain sacred days |
The Observance of Sacred or Taboo Days (Nnabóne)
The observance of taboo days within African communities represents a complex and culturally profound tradition that has exhibited remarkable resilience across generations. (Macaulay 2020; Nwobodo 2023). These taboos, firmly anchored in indigenous belief systems, assume a critical role in not only shaping societal conduct but also in the preservation of cultural heritage and the advancement of values promoting ecological sustainability (Adom 2019; Chemhuru & Masaka 2010; Ndlovu & Manjeru 2016). The conceptualization and observance of sacred or taboo days within the traditional Kwahu community bear significant implications for the management of the natural environment. Within the cultural lexicon of the Kwahu people, the term "nnabóne" is employed to denote what anthropologists discern as "taboo days" (Fortes, 1966; Steiner, 2013). Etymologically, "nnabóne" can be deconstructed into two constituent Akan elements: "nna," signifying days, and "bóne," connoting bad or evil. Consequently, the term "nnabóne" is best translated as "bad or evil days" in a literal sense. Taboo days hold a dual significance in Kwahu culture, manifesting as both sacred periods dedicated to the veneration of gods and ancestors and as ominous occasions earning their designation as "bad or evil days." The latter characterization stems from the misfortunes and calamities that individuals may incur when transgressing the established norms and codes of behavior on these days.
Within the traditional Kwahu society, akin to numerous Akan communities, a set of four principal sacred days recurs at intervals of approximately six weeks. These sacred days, namely Akwasidae, Awukudae, Fofie, and Fódwo, are marked by a strict prohibition against venturing into the forest for any purpose, engaging in agricultural activities, or pursuing fishing endeavors. Akwasidae and Awukudae, two of these sacred days, hold a distinct significance as occasions dedicated to the solemn act of libation pouring and the presentation of offerings to deities and ancestral spirits at various shrines dispersed across the expansive terrain of the traditional Kwahu domain. In contrast, Fofie and Fódwo bear direct associations with medico-religious symbolism, emphasizing purification, and invoking the presence of anthropomorphic spirits inhabiting natural manifestations like rivers and caves. Beyond these four cardinal sacred days, the traditional Kwahu calendar accommodates a plethora of distinct sacred occasions, each dedicated to particular deities within discrete communities of the Kwahu Traditional Area. For example, the Brupu River goddess at Kwahu-Tafo, known as Bruku, partakes in principal rites on Memenada Adapa, an occasion that precedes Akwasidae. Similarly, the cult of Tigari, a deity originating from Northern Ghana, and endowed with shrines scattered in select regions of Kwahu, observes its sacred ceremonies on the Thursday succeeding Awukudae. Various other deities are accorded reverence on diverse days within the purview of the study area. In congruence with the established protocol, the populace is strictly prohibited from venturing into the forest, participating in agricultural activities, or engaging in fishing expeditions on the designated taboo days earmarked for the veneration of these specific deities and gods.
The observance of sacred or taboo days does not entail a complete cessation of labor; however, it entails stringent prohibitions on entry into the forest and agricultural activities. These days are venerated as the repose periods of the forest and river gods and goddesses. One of our informants explained they do not permit people to enter the forest indiscriminately. Farming and fishing activities are strictly forbidden on these sacred days because these days hold a profound sanctity, and they mark a time when the deities find repose (Chief Linguist, personal communication, September 04, 2018). Moreover, for rivers that are proximate to cultivated land, distinct taboo days are designated in reverence to the resident river gods and goddesses. While fishing operations may be curtailed on such days, there are also stringent prohibitions against the utilization of land and resources within the vicinity of the river. People are expressly barred from visiting these rivers or engaging in any activities on their banks during taboo days. For instance, those farming in the proximity of the river Mennkyere catchment area in Nkwatia are enjoined from undertaking any farming activities on Tuesdays, under the belief that contravening this prohibition and showing disrespect to the river goddess will result in poor crop yields.
The ecological advantages attendant to the observance of taboo days are of paramount significance. An authoritative figure within the Forestry and Wildlife Commission, Ghana underscores that the practice of periodically abstaining from tilling the land or venturing into the forest in the traditional Kwahu area has proven to be an effective means of preserving the natural productivity of the land. This practice fosters the rebalancing of soil nutrients and provides a sanctuary for wildlife. Significantly, it has contributed to the preservation of forest enclaves within the traditional area, thereby fortifying their resilience in the face of rampant exploitation of natural forests witnessed in various parts of the nation2. Additionally, a multitude of rivers and aquatic ecosystems have benefited from taboos that restrict human activities at designated river sites. These assertions are not mere conjecture; they are corroborated by empirical findings and comprehensive studies conducted in Ghana and across indigenous communities in Africa (Awuah-Nyamekye 2014; Kanene 2016; Lssozi 2010). As such, the institution and observance of "nnabóne" can be regarded as yielding scientific dividends. A discernible connection emerges between the rationality underlying taboo days and a broader scientific ethos that integrates human ethics to foster harmonious relations between humanity and the natural world.
[1] The specific non-farming day differs from one Akan community to the other.
[2] During a private discussion with a representative from the Ministry of Lands and Forestry, it was emphatically conveyed that Ghana's forests are confronting an alarming state of overexploitation. Illicit logging has proliferated, and a marked disregard for the established protocols and regulatory frameworks governing timber extraction practices is distressingly prevalent.