Gendered Experiences of Water Shortages in Chegutu, Zimbabwe: A Participatory Action Research Investigation

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-3731003/v1

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Gendered Experiences of Water Shortages in Chegutu, Zimbabwe: A Participatory Action Research Investigation

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-3731003/v1

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This paper examines the complex dynamics of women and girls as primary custodians of household water supply, sanitation, and health in the face of escalating water stress in low-income regions, with a specific focus on Chegutu, Zimbabwe, a secondary urban area grappling with water scarcity. Employing the innovative Participatory Action Research (PAR) methodology, the study engages the affected women to co-create new knowledge and insights. The findings reveal a precarious water situation, delineating diverse socio-economic impacts on women, including heightened susceptibility to water-borne diseases, restricted access to fundamental sanitation and hygiene, persistent gender disparities, elevated risks of abuse and harassment during water collection, compounded health challenges, and enduring conflicts and discrimination. Women’s adaptive capacity is exemplified through diverse coping strategies, such as rainwater harvesting, borehole utilisation, and wastewater recycling, facilitated by interactive sessions. However, most of the strategies are palliative and just measures of last resort. The study highlights the necessity of gender-responsive water and sanitation facilities and gender-sensitive local water management practices to mitigate the disproportionate burdens borne by women and girls. Addressing their unique challenges is central to achieving gender equity and Sustainable Development Goal 6.1, which strives for universal access to safe and affordable drinking water for all by 2030, thus emphasising the collective effort required to ensure equitable access to clean water, leaving no one marginalised in the pursuit of this fundamental human right.

Women

water

human rights

secondary cities

Participatory Action Research

Zimbabwe

In the heart of Chegutu, Zimbabwe, a town known for its rich history and vibrant community, something as essential as water has become a source of struggle for its residents, particularly its women. Imagine walking for miles through the scorching sun, carrying heavy containers to fetch water from unreliable sources, or dealing with the constant fear of water-borne diseases. This is the daily reality for countless women in Chegutu, a story that demonstrates the urgency of this study.

Access to clean, affordable, and safe drinking water is a fundamental human right recognised by the United Nations through Goal 6 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). SDG 6 aspires to ensure access to clean water and sanitation for all, yet the global challenge of water scarcity persists. Across Africa, one in three people faces water scarcity, and approximately 400 million individuals in sub-Saharan Africa lack access to adequate portable drinking water (WHO, 2023). As the world’s population grows, particularly in urban areas, water stress and scarcity are projected to worsen, making the situation even more acute in secondary towns and cities (Matamanda et al., 2022). Secondary cities experience an intensified strain on water resources due to several factors. First, secondary cities frequently grapple with limited financial resources and technical capabilities, hindering their ability to implement sustainable water management practices (Marais & Nel, 2019). This economic constraint contributes to inefficient water usage, inadequate wastewater treatment, and a general lack of resilience in the face of water-related challenges. Second, rapid urbanisation in secondary cities often outpaces the development of necessary infrastructure, including water supply and distribution systems (Ranchod, 2020). This lag in infrastructure exacerbates the demand-supply gap, leading to inadequate access to clean water for growing populations. Like many African nations, Zimbabwe grapples with rapid urbanisation and population growth, straining the conventional water supply infrastructure (Matamanda et al., 2022). High-density suburbs, where residents often go for weeks, months, or even years without reliable access to water, are particularly affected (Chaminuka & Nyatsanza, 2013; Chenga, 2014; Gambe, 2019). Factors such as unclear policies, weak legislation, institutional mismanagement, and political interference exacerbate the water crisis in urban Zimbabwe (Chirisa et al., 2018; Gambe, 2019).

This study addresses the pressing issue of water shortages in Chegutu, Zimbabwe, focusing on its unique gendered impacts. In low-income countries like Zimbabwe, women and girls bear the disproportionate burden of water crises (Mangizvo & Kapungu, 2010). Women are central to water management, handling tasks such as acquiring, allocating, and utilising water within households (Baguma et al., 2013; Graham et al., 2016). However, this responsibility often comes at a high cost – physically, economically, and socially (Lund Schlamovitz & Becker, 2021). Women and girls’ access to education and opportunities is hampered by the time spent fetching water, the risk of water-borne diseases, and the increased vulnerability to harassment and assault (Demie et al., 2016; Pahwaringira et al., 2015). This research sheds light on the gendered experiences of water shortages in Chegutu and their socio-economic impacts. Focusing on women’s perspectives and experiences, the study provides a comprehensive understanding of the challenges they face. The study also focuses on the coping strategies adopted by women in Chegutu to deal with water shortages, analysing their effectiveness and implications.

Our central hypothesis posits that women’s local-level coping strategies are crucial in addressing water shortages in urban contexts. If documented and understood, these strategies can serve as the basis for sustainable solutions to water scarcity issues. Furthermore, the study highlights the significance of gender equality in water service provision and its pivotal role in advancing the sustainable development of water supply projects in Chegutu and other urban areas in Zimbabwe. The study employs Participatory Action Research, a collaborative and context-driven approach that prioritises the needs of the community (Mubuuke & Leibowitz, 2013). This methodology is well-suited to this research, as it allowed the researchers to engage directly with the community, including women, and gather insights that are not only academically rigorous but also practically valuable. This research holds significant implications for various stakeholders, including local government, councillors, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), civil society, and the private sector involved in the water supply. It offers insights into the realities of water shortages in high-density residential areas and uncovers the largely undocumented and unrecognised local-level coping strategies employed by women. Ultimately, this study has the potential to influence policies that promote gender equality in water service provision and foster sustainable development projects in urban areas, not only in Chegutu but across Zimbabwe.

Several concepts are used in understanding water availability, for example, ‘water scarcity’, ‘water shortage’ and ‘water stress’ (Shandas et al., 2015). Some sources distinguish between these concepts (Steduto, 2012), while others use them synonymously. This study sticks to ‘water shortage’, this being a situation in which people are faced with insufficient supply of and access to clean freshwater in relation to their needs (Chakraborti et al., 2019). Another central concept for this study is ‘coping’, defined as ‘the ability of people, organisations and systems, using available skills and resources, to face and manage adverse conditions, emergencies or disasters’ (UNISDR, 2009). Although coping strategies can increase a household’s ability to withstand immediate threats, they neither serve as long-term solutions nor do they reduce future vulnerability. However, coping strategies can develop into adaptive strategies over time, that is, long-term strategies that can be either proactive or reactive (Berkes & Jolly, 2002; Bhanye, 2023a). The choice of strategy for coping or adaptation is not isolated from other decisions but is constrained by institutional processes, regulatory structures, property rights and social norms (Diener et al., 1985). The interplay of these complex factors thus influences the adaptive capacity of the household, which greatly influences its vulnerability (Smit & Pilifosova, 2003). ‘Vulnerability’ is here understood as susceptibility to harm in relation to a specific event (Becker, 2014).

Figure 1 depicts the conceptual framework for urban household waterscape. In their study, Matamanda et al. (2020) asserted that the household waterscape is a complex system that comprises different issues enabling and disabling its functionality to enhance urban liveability. This complexity of the water system is characterised by multiple stakeholders who, at the household level, include women and children, usually girls, who are responsible for ensuring adequate water in the household. The duties women and girls carry are largely gendered and in the African context, women and girls thus have to fetch water and make sure there is always enough available for household chores (Graham et al., 2016). This responsibility is socially constructed due to the role women and girls play in housekeeping. Therefore, several scholars (Adams, 2018; Figueiredo & Perkins, 2013) have asserted that women and the girl child disproportionately feel water challenges.

Although many African countries have made strides in urban water coverage, water shortages are prevalent in most African cities. The situation tends to be critical in poor neighbourhoods where residents can go for weeks or even months without running water in their taps (Bhanye, 2023b; Chirisa & Bandauko, 2015; Chitonge, 2014). Examples include the day zero that plagued Cape Town in 2018, where taps went dry. Similarly, in Zimbabwe, several studies have highlighted the poor neighbourhoods in Harare’s suburbs, such as Mabvuku and Mkoba in Gweru, where residents have gone for months without water (Kusena & Beckedahl, 2016; Matsa et al., 2021).

We argue that these water challenges result from multiple constraints that span the socio-economic and political spectrum. In Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, Musemwa (2006; 2008) has highlighted how water constraints have been largely attributed to politics of difference. Young (1990) alludes to these politics of difference, depicting how certain individuals and groups are marginalised in accessing basic services when they do not sympathise with or support a particular political party. Such instances are a gross violation of human rights as they exclude the communities from accessing water services, thus denoting distributional injustices (Soja, 2009). In their study, Dos Santos et al. (2017) showed how urban growth has been associated with water water access challenges in sub-Saharan Africa. According to Chitonge (2014), water shortages result from institutional failures and the mismatch between the growing demand for water services and the capacity and ability of the governments to supply the much-needed water. The situation is dire, mainly in new neighbourhoods; for example, Hopley in Harare, Zimbabwe, is positioned outside the threshold of the existing networks and systems, thus leaving those communities without access to water (Matamanda et al., 2020).

These constraints on the urban household waterscape present a plethora of challenges that impact the liveability and sustainability of the communities. Chiefly, with the absence of adequate water, residents are threatened with multiple water-borne diseases, as was evident in Zimbabwe during the 2008/09 cholera outbreak (Chigudu, 2019; Youde, 2010). Several studies have also highlighted the water-food nexus, indicating how water plays an intricate role in the household food system (Kusena et al., 2017). The psychological burdens and mental distress associated with water scarcity and shortages have been highlighted in studies undertaken in poor neighbourhoods of South Africa and Mexico (Wutich et al., 2016). This mental distress adds to the physical health issues that include headaches and backaches that women experience in carrying water in buckets on their heads, which eventually also causes some backaches.

When experiencing water shortages, residents, especially women, adopt certain coping strategies to ensure they storm the water woes. These coping strategies are a means to promote the sustainability and resilience of urban household waterscapes. Some households who can afford it resort to buying water for domestic use. This has been prevalent in Accra, Ghana and several other African countries (Alba et al., 2019). Others drill boreholes, which guarantees them adequate water supply or resort to buying bulk water that they store in Jo-Jo tanks (Pamla et al., 2021). However, buying bulk water and drilling boreholes tends to be expensive; some households dig shallow wells to access groundwater, but this tends to have some health implications (Ndoziya & Hoko, 2019). Rainwater harvesting is an alternative coping strategy observed by Ndeketeya and Dundu (2019) in some poor neighbourhoods in Johannesburg, South Africa. The wise use of water that includes water recycling through the reuse of grey water for flushing toilets or watering gardens has been reported in Harare by Madungwe and Sakuringwa (2007).

Chegutu town, formerly known as Hartley, was established in 1891, and a town-management board was constituted in 1942, while Municipality status was granted in 1972. Located in Mashonaland West Province of Zimbabwe, Chegutu town lies about 120 kilometres by road, southwest of Harare, the capital city of Zimbabwe (Encyclopedia Zimbabwe, 1989). The town has been growing significantly as one of the secondary cities in the country. In 1982, it had 19,621 inhabitants, rising to 30,122 in 1992 and 36,000 inhabitants by 2002 (Historical Dictionary of Zimbabwe, 2001). By 2012, the population census indicated that the town had grown to 50,590 inhabitants (ZIMSTAT, 2012). Chegutu is primarily a mining town. The district has large gold deposits, and two large gold mines, Butterfly Mone and Giant Mine, are located there. There are also large deposits of chrome, limestone and nickel. There is also agricultural production in the surrounding areas, with major crops of maise, tobacco, castor beans, and cotton. However, because of several decades of economic meltdown in Zimbabwe, the town’s economy has seriously plummeted, with the majority of its residents losing their jobs. The residential suburbs of the town are now dominated by the unemployed, the informally employed and illegal gold panners ‘makorokoza’. Figure 2 shows the study area - a) Chegutu District on Harare map, b) Chegutu Ward 12 and other wards, and c) aerial view of Chegutu Ward 12.

Chegutu has four high-density suburbs: Chinengundu, Pfupajena, Chegutu, and Kaguvi (Phase 1 - 4) and one medium-density suburb, Umvovo. The low-density suburbs are Hartley Hills, Hintonville and Rifle Range. The total estimate of housing units is as follows: low density (2500), medium density (328), and high density (10400) (UCAZ, 2019). Chegutu’s residential areas have serious problems with clean, portable water as a basic human right as the Municipality of Chegutu fails to deliver the service. Despite paying their monthly water bills, residents of Chegutu have gone for years with inadequate clean water supplies, resulting in outbreaks of Cholera and other diseases. In the 2007/2008 period, several lives were lost to the cholera outbreak. With the COVID-19 scare, more lives can be lost due to a lack of water for simple handwashing, a key preventive measure for combating the deadly Coronavirus (Bhanye, 2023b; Cossa, 2019). The crippling water crisis has seen the municipality only providing a third of its daily obligation. The council can pump ten mega litres, but they are only managing six mega litres, against a daily requirement of 22 mega litres. This current supply is far from residents' needs (ZBC News, 2019). The dire situation has forced residents to reply on boreholes, but breakdowns have exacerbated the plight (The Herald, 2019). To examine the socio-economic impacts of water shortages and the local-level coping strategies among women in Chegutu, we purposely selected Ward 12 to suggest measures towards improving the water situation in the local area.

The study was carried out in Ward 12 (Kaguvi phase 2). Data collection was informed by participatory methodologies. We first conducted ten in-depth interviews with key experts to appreciate the historical background of water challenges in the town and how this translates into a socio-economic problem. For instance, we engage representatives of residents, councillors and NGO representatives to reflect on various dynamics that have led to water shortages and how residents in the town are coping. While we gathered invaluable insights and rich multidimensional data through interactive interviews with key informants, we uniquely combined participatory visual ethnographic methods – community mapping and photovoice visual methods – with life histories to deeply appreciate the everyday worlds of Chegutu residents in the context of water shortages. Whilst visualised ethnographies and narratives (particularly photovoices) are common in social-medical research (Harper, 2012; Balmer et al., 2015), we find it as an empowering tool critical in the decolonising the research process, especially when applied to understanding inequalities associated with access to a socio-economic resource such as water. Participatory visual interventions enabled us to explore underappreciated arenas (see Spiegel 2019) in this context of difficulties in accessing water, especially by marginalised social groups often excluded in decision-making platforms pertaining to their lived realities of water shortages. We, therefore, tactfully combined photovoice and life histories to allow community members to express their emotions and experience on water shortages as well as coping strategies they are engaging in return.

We, therefore, structured photovoice engagements into two focus group workshops. The first platform was designed to empower participants with skills on using photovoice methods to share their knowledge, experience and aspirations regarding a social problem. To participants, we define photovoice as a process by which people can identify, present and enhance their community through a specific photograph (Wang & Burris, 1997). During the first workshops, we trained participants on how to use their mobile phones to take a professional picture of their choice that reflects water shortages in their community and/or households and on water coping strategies they are resorting to as individuals, households and communities. We further trained them on developing a narrative based on the captured photo, potentially how the story can represent their daily life, during the second workshop, which we conducted on an agreed date with participants. As Liebenberg, 2009, p 460 contends, visual discussions remained critical as it is impossible for one to understand the meaning of an image in isolation from the context in which it emerged. Second workshops were, therefore, platforms to allow participants to present their photos and photo-stories. Following each presentation, other participants were allowed to give their comments, discuss the presented photo-story and reflect on it with wider community events on water shortages. Therefore, we conducted four workshops (inception and discursive), with each workshop having 10- 14 participants, comprising 8- 10 females and 5-6 youths. Following the end of photovoice discussions, we also conducted some life history discussions with residents whom we purposefully selected using the snowballing method referral from other participants; we were specifically looking for participants with more than ten years of living in the suburb.

Scientific interaction with human participants is inevitably laced with aspects of social science research ethics; thus, every researcher is obliged to follow. Therefore, in the context of this study, we observed a number of ethical principles in order to minimise potential harms associated with participation in research, especially in regions associated with stressful events. At the beginning of each engagement, either with individuals or groups, we took time to explain in detail the research objectives to participants; we also made sure that each participant who took part in the process deeply understood the research objectives, plan and their expected contributions. Similar disclosure was further made for participants to freely participate in the project and that they may withdraw from participating at any point. We also tried to protect participants’ anonymity and confidentiality directly in this article; we used pseudo-names to protect participants’ identities. We also sought written consent from those who participated in visual interventions for us to use their photos in an academic publication.

Two major themes emerged from analysis of data: (i) Impacts of water shortages among women in Chegutu and (ii) Coping strategies for water shortages among women in Chegutu. These are presented in sequence below.

4.1 Impacts of water shortages among women in Chegutu

The first key research question for this study was to identify the socio-economic impacts of water shortages among women in Chegutu Ward 12. The following socio-economic impacts were identified: constraining basic sanitation and hygiene, an increase in water-borne diseases, gender disparities, abuse and sexual harassment, and conflicts and discrimination over water (Figure 3).

4.1.1 Constraining Basic Sanitation and Hygiene and Increase in water-borne diseases

Water shortages in Chegutu Urban is constraining household sanitation and hygiene services for many. Participants well articulated this during multiple engagements. Conversations during a photovoice training workshop, (in) female participants, highlighted that water shortages lead to unclean behaviours among most urban residents. Some residents are struggling to maintain hygiene of household sanitary facilities i.e. toilets, bathrooms and sinks. Most of the toilets in Chegutu use the flush type of latrine, which depends on the availability of a consistent water supply to properly function. Reflecting on this a female community health worker who participated in some of the workshops highlighted that “it is no longer stranger that some households will spend a one with unflushed toilets due to lack of water.” However, the unavailability of reliable water supply forces residents to find alternative means of relieving themselves, most of which are unhygienic. For instance, some resort to defecting in open spaces where agriculture is happening [life history interview]. Due to erratic water supply, water shortages also impact personal hygiene, like bathing and washing clothes. Sanitation and hygiene impacted women and young girls more, especially during their menstrual periods, which require adequate water to keep clean. Given that women have specific hygiene needs as according to UN Water (2021) that include during menstruation, pregnancy and child rearing, women reflected that without adequate water for sanitation and hygiene facilities at home and in places of work and education, it is disproportionately harder for many (especially) young girls to lead safe, productive and healthy lives [photovoice workshop 2]. Likewise, a representative for a local NGO reasoned that regardless that improved water sanitation and hygiene is a dedicated target within the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG 6), we are witnessing women and girls struggling to access potable water to cleanse their bodies which is a right to them [in-depth interviews].

Water shortages have (in)directly led to the outbreak of water-borne diseases such as diarrhoea, typhoid and Cholera as some residents are exposed to unhygienic environments. Lack of water to clean sanitation facilities was regarded as behind the outbreak of Cholera in some areas of the study area, a community health worker clearly reflected that in 2012, when she was doing door to door home visits, she witnessed that one of her patients was suffering from Cholera when she inspected the toilets she discovered that the toilet has gone for some days without having being cleaned because the family could not afford to access clean water [in-depth interview]. One female participant commented that cases of Cholera outbreaks are common in this community, especially among households that are child-headed or those headed by elders, both these households are incapable from access water from other sources such as wells or boreholes. A local councilor highlighted that people in his ward have resorted to other water sources such as boreholes and wells since piped water might take 3-4 days before it is available [in-depth interview]. However, resorting to untested sources is also causing health problems for many urban residents. During a photovoice workshop, a number of participants indicated that some of their family members complained of stomach cramps after consuming water from untested sources. One of the women Mrs. Jasi, said this:

We are at risk in this community because of the water shortages. The spread of diseases like Cholera, typhoid and dysentery are very likely in this community. Some residents in this community end up resorting to the use of the bush for toilets, which is a threat to the health of the Ward 12 residents.^[1]

A resident representative reflected that since the 2008 cholera and 2012 typhoid outbreaks here in Chegutu, we still witness water-borne disease cases. However, many cases are going unreported [life history]. With the current and persisting water crisis in Chegutu, some residents are reported to be depending on unsafe water sources, i.e. shallow wells that are located in open wetlands where sewage is often discharged, therefore leaving many at risk of more deadly water-borne diseases such as typhoid. Besides being among the most vulnerable to water-borne diseases, women and girls are also highly constrained whenever a household member gets ill with such water borne diseases because of socially prescribed health care roles. Us women and girls we are the usual primary healthcare givers in our society, so it ends up being our responsibility and a burden to us to nurse a family member after they get sick from typhoid or Cholera [photovoice discussion]. However, a community health worker reasoned that by being key health givers at the household level, women and girls would be exposed to these diseases because of the time they might attend to the sick without protective clothing and water to maintain hygiene [in-depth interview].

4.1.2 Gender disparities

Through our interactions with women during data gathering, we learned that water shortages strengthen preexisting gender disparities in Chegutu. Given that women are socially prescribed roles that have to do with the use of water at the household level, they are also deemed responsible of ensuring water availability at the household level. All household chores need water, such as cooking, cleaning and laundry; therefore, we women and girls are tasked to fetch water for our families [photovoice]. Likewise, a majority of the women respondents stated that water-carrying and doing the laundry were their most tiring jobs [photovoice discussion]. While driving around the settlement for the data gathering process, we observed women and girls queuing for water at points, especially community boreholes, and some carrying 20-litre buckets of water, especially during the morning. Water shortages had an enormous bearing on women and girls as most had their normal daily routines altered to accommodate water fetching, which sometimes had to stretch from early morning until midnight. This was well reflected in a photovoice story by Mrs Makombe (Figure 4), who took a photo of young girls fetching water at a borehole; below the photo, she added that “they do not even have time for homework or to rest. If water woes continue their future is slowly dying. They are being trained to be water fetchers.” Commenting on this reflection, another female participant reflected that ‘persistent routines of hailing water among girls and women are increasing gender inequalities between us men if you are making a follow-up, boys in the same family with girls on Mrs Makombe’s Photo might be doing schoolwork or engaged in other economic activities like gold panning. Likewise, we also observed that it was mostly school-going girls compared to boys involved in water fetching. A local NGO representative explained that, on average, women spend over three and a half hours each day collecting water, which is about three and a half hours that they could put towards other productive and profitable activities [in-depth interviews].

In some instances, women went to boreholes with very long queues, forcing some to wake up as early as two o’clock to queue at the local boreholes. Other women had to walk for long distances of about three kilometres to the nearby boreholes to fetch water. The school-going girls would spend several hours queuing for water as the queues would be very long. As a result, the education of girls has been highly affected. Many of them sometimes fail to attend lessons in time as they will be fetching water at home. Their studying time at school is also affected as they are forced to come home after school and proceed to the boreholes to fetch water as one representative of a local NGO narrated that:

Young women are affected to the extent of attending classes late and experiencing inadequate resting time, thereby leading to their poor performance at school as they will engage in the academic curriculum, already drained and tired. Cases of underage girls carrying heavy containers have become the norm, which is a form of child abuse as some households will be practicing the so called ‘division of labour.^[2]

These stories embrace already existing findings by UNICEF (2016) that collecting water is a task that falls mainly to women and girls as part of keeping house; however, the time spent on this is described the time on these chores as “a colossal waste of time” because girls and women productive opportunities such as schooling or chances to earn a decent income. Therefore, solving the water issue is key to breaking gender disparities and the cycle of poverty among girls and women. Studies also show that school attendance improves when family homes are closer to water points; for example, in Tanzania, a water point within 15 minutes of home increases attendance by 12% (UNICEF,2016).

4.1.3 Abuse and Sexual Harassment

To women, fetching outside a household pump was associated with multiple risks. We uncovered that women were exposed to physical dangers they encountered on their way to or at the water point. We established that regardless of distance and time, it remains a woman’s responsibility to provide water to the family. However, this often leaves them vulnerable to harassment, sexual assault, or abuse. As one councillor narrated: ‘When it comes to water challenges in this area, the risk of assault, gender-based violence is high against women and girls. Even if an assault does not take place, the fear of it can prevent women and girls from using facilities’^[3][in-depth interview]. More concerns come when women walk several miles each day to get water at odd hours, either late at night or very early in the morning.

During a photovoice presentation, Ms. Kandiro’s story (Figure 5) reflected how targeted sexual violence is among women and girls while fetching water is unfolding. In her story Ms Kandiro presented a picture of girls fetching water in the community; she further explained that these young girls are at risk of getting raped or sexually abused, especially if they are unaccompanied by senior women in the early hours of the morning, such as 4 am. In support of Ms Kandiro’s story, another female participant added that these boreholes are as far as 500 meters to five kilometres away from houses, meaning that women and girls travel this distance at night to fetch water. In addition, these water points service more than 100 people; therefore, there will be some pressure and long queues, so women who operate markets and school-going girls often come early, like 4 am or come late, around 10 pm, therefore becoming victims of sexually related violence [photovoice]. When asked if there are cases of gender-related abuse of girls or women while getting water or at a water point, a local councillor replied that we hear many stories associated with sexual violence in water points, especially during holidays when this community is full of people however, some of the victims are hesitant to make police reports. Likewise, one woman, Mrs. Manatsa, narrated this during the photovoice discussion:

There is a serious risk for us women in fetching water during odd night hours, from midnight till 4am in the early morning hours. Especially for those who live far from the water source has been a cause for concern as young girls are facing sexual harassment and being taken advantage of by men. Again, cases of immorality have been high during the COVID-19 pandemic period amongst the youths during the night as they meet at the water sources in the name of fetching water with hidden agendas leading to a high rate of unwanted pregnancies.^[4]

Under these water-stressful conditions, women and girls may feel pressured to flirt or “play along” with those who have the power to give them water. Coercive sex may also be common. Acts of sextortion — defined by the International Association of Women Judges as ”the abuse of power to obtain a sexual benefit or advantage” — for access to water have been recorded in other countries like Kenya, South Africa, and Colombia (Loot, 2020). Improving access to water, especially among women, will limit the abuse and violence to which they are exposed (Loot, 2021). Local initiatives like providing additional lighting around boreholes, installing automatic water meters, and providing more water facilities closer to households can help to minimise cases of assault against girls and women.

4.1.4 Physical Health Challenges

We established that women involved in hailing water whenever their households are in shortages are associated with physical health complications. Given that the process of hailing water is a laborious task, several women whom we engaged highlighted that are developing some physical health complications which they are confident are emerging water hailing. These complications were associated with ferrying large containers or carrying the containers for long distances. A photovoice story by Chipo Zimuko (Figure 6) of a female pushing a wheelbarrow of water containers explicitly illustrated these dynamics. In her story, Chipo reflected that women are going through tough times to bring water to their households. Fetching water is more like an industrial job; carrying the water container is quite tough; many carry the container for 3-4 km, while a few use wheelbarrows. Pushing a wheelbarrow mostly loaded with 60 litres of water is tiresome; this does not happen once but more than three times a day or six times if she carries water by head. During discussions of her story, other female participants agreed with her presentation, stating that carrying 20-litre containers on their heads induces neck problems, whilst some complained of headaches associated with the weight of water containers they carry daily. Women who are involved in pushing wheelbarrows of water containers are not exceptional; for instance, during the photovoice discussion, Chipo stated that she used to push a wheelbarrow with 80 litres until she picked spinal damages and back injuries; she has, therefore, reduced to 40litres. As a household chore culturally defined for women, it established that women are involved in water-hailing under harsh conditions. A local NGO representative shared with us that women are sometimes exposed to bad weather conditions, heat, rain, and cold while fetching water for household use. Thus, this has increased women's exposure to unhealthy environments that are causing some illnesses such as fever, dehydration, colds and sunstroke.

We however, established that women perform tasks associated with water hailing even under difficult situations such as pregnant or nursing children. In some instances, some women will be carrying babies on their back while carrying a 20-25 litres container of water on their head. One resident of Chegutu Ward 12 Mrs. Chibaya complained that water shortages were straining her physically as she had to carry a 20 litre container on her head whilst she was pregnant. She narrated:

I had no option but to go and fetch water for myself as I only stay with my husband and had no one to send to fetch water. My husband is not around most of the time as he will be out there doing gold panning. However, I fear for my health, especially when I am pregnant like this. I also fear health complications for my unborn child.^[5]

During the study, we observed that expecting mothers were at a higher risk for injury or complications with their pregnancy because of travelling long distances carrying water. Heavy lifting is a concern during pregnancy; a community health officer reflected that many women are experiencing miscarriages; while we have not yet established the real cause, we suspect that such conditions are being induced by overworking, including carrying water containers during pregnancy. Girls also experienced health-related conditions associated with carrying water containers. Some girls complained that their height had been directly affected due to carrying water containers on their heads for some time. For instance, Grace, a form six pupil, narrated that when I was growing up, I remembered very well that I was of a promising height. I was likely to be taller like my brothers, mother and father, but I am now a dwarf mainly because I have been carrying water containers on my head for a long time. Thus, similar to recent studies (for example, Adams et al., 2022; Bhatia, 2020; Geere & Cortobius, 2017) revealing that women in low-income countries walk for long distances to fetch water, they frequently suffer from falls, traffic accidents, animal attacks and fights, that can result in broken bones, spinal injuries, lacerations and other physical injuries. In Chegutu, most women also bear the burden of fetching water, exposing them to health problems.

4.1.5 Conflicts and discrimination over water

Water scarcity is inducing social conflicts, poor social relations and increased discrimination based on socio-economic background. During several engagements with female participants, we managed to understand that urban dwellers in Chegutu were involved in fights, quarrels and disputes over water access. Fights break out, and conflicts emerge when it feels important to observe queues, especially during busy hours or days. Mrs Moyo explained that conflicts at water points, especially community boreholes, often erupt when people try to establish who gets water first; it is mostly the male figures who often have first preferences without observing the queue or first come, first serve rule under situations, some disputes will arise with women who will be late of other errands or keen to leave at the water point early. Commenting on this, Chido stated that there was a policy that men, regardless of the time they would arrive, would be given first preference to access water at any water point. However, this was the major source of conflicts when people wanted this to be changed.

Besides, men and some women were also considered bullies whenever they came to source water at a public point. A local councillor reflected that some of these women want to control the water point, and this does not often go well with other water point users, especially elders who will want to be respected. As a result, due to conflicts that emerge, some women can leave the water source empty-handed, while others will wait to fetch the water at last after all the threatening figures have left the water source. One-woman Mrs. Chidavarume, pointed out that she would go to the borehole at night to avoid the queues and the commotion associated with the boreholes. She further stated that sometimes, she was forced to buy water from the water vendors to avoid water conflicts at the boreholes.^[6]

Clearly, competition and conflicts over water, particularly in the context of water scarcity or multiple uses from the same water source, can impact women. Exclusion of women at community water points and fights over water reflects on broader dynamics of gender discrimination and inequalities over resource access that are common in many low-income urban spaces. In India for instance, the Dalit (lower caste) women often are not allowed to access the community well or if they do, the area has to be purified after they have withdrawn water (Ahmed, 2021). These practices, among other forms of conflicts and exclusion, imply that much work still needs to be done towards achieving the United Nations-mandated Sustainable Development Goal 6.1 - ‘universal and equitable access to safe and affordable drinking water for all’ by 2030.

4.1.6 Positive Effects

While the Focus Group Discussions, interviews and observations among women in Chegutu Ward 12 revealed a myriad of challenges among women, the water shortages also created brisk business for some women entrepreneurs. Some women were now selling water containers in Chegutu ward 12. These containers were mostly sold by women who operate informal vending stalls. A 20-litre container was going for as much as 3-5 US Dollars. This sort of business has become a source of livelihood for these women. Other women are being contracted by other households to fetch water from the boreholes for them. Two 20-litre buckets of water cost a dollar, depending on the situation. This had become a source of living for some of the women, although its sustainability is questionable.

4.2 Coping strategies to water shortages among women in Chegutu

Another key finding during our participatory action research study was the coping strategies being invoked by Chegutu women to deal with water shortages unfolding in their residential town. We established a number of coping strategies that include rainwater harvesting, the use of wells, the use of boreholes, the use of storage containers, wells, and wastewater reuse (Figure 7).

4.2.1 Rainwater harvesting

Participants discussed the use and potential of rainwater harvesting as a coping strategy during water stress. Rainwater harvesting, which they usually refer to as rainwater collection, roof water collection, and rooftop water collection, has long been a viable option for many households as an additional source of potable water. Rainwater can be collected from various hard surfaces, particularly from rooftops of building infrastructures. We established that resorting to rooftop water harvesting techniques was only viable during the summer season, particularly from late November to the end of March. However, this was highly determined by the length of each rainy period. During a photovoice discussion, a female participant, Mrs Chibako, presented a photo (Figure 8 demonstrating water harvesting) of her homestead, with some water containers lined up to harvest rainwater. She stated that harvesting rainwater is common here, and we take advantage of these roofed houses to access rainwater. A local councillor we interviewed also reflected that most women in the study area use water harvesting as a water coping strategy, especially during the rainy season. Commenting on Mrs Chibako’s photovoice, another female, Chipo, stated that recurring water shortages in the area have prompted us to buy more water containers to harvest water from the roofs of their houses for later use; what we only do is to put buckets and other containers outside to collect water from their rooftops. Most houses in Chegutu have sloped roofs and existing gutters already, making implementing the water harvesting strategy easier. A local NGO representative also stated that she has observed that rainwater harvesting lessens the burden of hailing water and reduces women’s frequency of visits to the borehole. During the focus group discussion, participants revealed that rainwater is free of charge, which helps women save money on their monthly water bills and is less labour-intensive. However, rainwater is not deemed fit for all household uses; it is specifically used for house cleaning and laundry purposes and not for consumption, given that most roofing materials release particles dangerous to human health. Similarly, a local health officer commented that harvested rainwater is meant for bathing and laundry, as its safety for drinking is questionable because it is harvested from asbestos rooftops, deemed as unhealthy; thus, we encouraged women to consider other safer water sources for consumption purposes.

However, due to changing climatic conditions, rainwater is becoming more unpredictable in many parts of Zimbabwe, like Chegutu, where droughts are becoming a norm. Reflecting on this, a local councillor reflected that changing climatic conditions are now reducing locals' dependence on rainwater; for the past five years, we have been witnessing a shorter rainy season, therefore with erratic precipitation, and this has been limiting our reliance on rainwater. Therefore, some participants reflected on increasing water containers to store harvested rainwater for future use. Nevertheless, rainwater harvesting is a valuable coping strategy that can contribute to household water security (Khanal, 2020).

4.2.2 Use of Boreholes

Women in Chegutu Ward 12 also cope with erratic water supply from the council through boreholes. Boreholes are one of the best options for providing reliable and safe drinking water to water-stressed communities (Adugbire et al., 2010). The three boreholes in ward 12 were all drilled by UNICEF. However, the boreholes are barely enough for the whole water-stressed population in Chegutu Ward 12. Further, the boreholes experience faults that can go long without being attended to. Figure 9 shows one of the boreholes drilled by UNICEF in Chegutu ward 12.

We observed that the collective and sustainable use of boreholes and proper management of the boreholes by the beneficiary was lacking in the community. Women highlighted that sessions that can educate the community on how best to utilise the boreholes in a manner that does not compromise other members of the community and also benefit them will be highly beneficial. The community was not yet aware that it was their mandate to ensure that the boreholes were protected from vandalism and abuse. It also further ensures that order and sanity prevail in the boreholes. This will help curtail conflicts between residents who share the borehole, resulting in some residents going to the borehole at night to fetch water. Women were also unaware of contributing subscriptions that will be used to repair the boreholes if they encountered mechanical problems. When the issue of paying subscriptions was raised, it created tension with other community members who argued that boreholes were community property. No one was supposed to pay for anything. Nonetheless, providing boreholes remains one of the best options for providing reliable and safe drinking water to water-strained populations. Key to the success of this strategy is the proper management and maintenance of the boreholes by the beneficiary communities.

4.2.3 Use of Wells

The workshops also identified wells as another water source that women resorted to in coping with water shortages in Chegutu Ward 12. Basically, a well is a hole drilled into the ground to access water contained in an aquifer. Wells come in different shapes and sizes, depending on the type of material the well is drilled into and how much water is being pumped out. In Chegutu ward 12, wells are especially important during the rainy season and winter, when the water table is relatively high. However, in the dry season, the majority of the wells in Chegutu ward 12 run dry. One disadvantage of wells we discussed with women is that they can easily be contaminated if they are not properly constructed or if toxic materials are released into them. Contaminated wells used for drinking water are especially dangerous, and during the FGDs, women encouraged each other to resort to deep wells over shallow, unprotected wells, which are not safe for drinking. Women also learnt good practices like proper maintenance of wells, keeping hazardous materials away from wells, installing well caps, and using caution around wells. Figure 10 shows a protected well in Chegutu.

4.2.4 Use of Water Storage Containers

Women in Chegutu ward 12 also adopted water storage containers as a water shortage coping strategy for drinking and other domestic purposes. Water storage containers proved to be helpful for women as they kept them from going to boreholes every now and then. Some of the easily accessible water containers for water storage ranged from the most miniature (2-litre containers), buckets, large dishes, rubbish bins, and drums (100 litres) to large water tankers that can be mounted on stands at their homes. As the water crises intensified in the area, those who did not have enough containers had to buy more as the water shortages were proving to be a long-term problem. Women use different sets of containers for different purposes, with clean containers used to store water for consumption. Drums and rubbish bins that are often not suitable for drinking water, for example, are used to store water for other domestic chores such as bathing, laundry, and flushing toilets. Figure 11 shows water storage containers in Chegutu.

4.2.5 Wastewater Reuse

Another key coping strategy for water shortages implemented by women in Chegutu ward 12 is wastewater reuse. Water reuse can provide alternatives to existing water supplies and enhance water security, sustainability, and resilience. Wastewater produced by a household includes greywater (from showers, basins, and washing) and blackwater (from toilets, dishwashers, and kitchen sinks). Greywater can be reused for gardens, flushing toilets, and washing, while blackwater can be reused in gardens. During Focus Group Discussions, most women highlighted that wastewater reuse was an option to counter water shortages, as one woman narrated: ‘Because of water shortages, we no longer have wastewater. We usually reuse water from the kitchen and bathroom for other purposes. Reusing wastewater in our home saves water use and reduces the use of clean drinking water for uses such as our gardens and the toilets.’^[7] Water reuse was the same with other women, bathing water was not thrown away but was kept to be used to flush the toilet. The same was also done for washing water, which was also recycled for use for other purposes. In Chegutu ward 12, wastewater reuse proved to be an effective mitigation method at the household level. However, women need to be aware that water reuse should be specifically for non-human consumption, as grey and black water may be contaminated for drinking.

In summation, this study provided a comprehensive analysis of the gendered experiences of water shortages in Chegutu, Zimbabwe. The research elucidated the socio-economic ramifications of water shortages on women and the coping strategies they employ to navigate this challenging terrain. Employing a Participatory Action Research (PAR) approach, we purposefully incorporated the voices and perspectives of the women who are the focal point of this study, ensuring a truly inclusive and community-oriented exploration of this pertinent issue.

The central findings of this research revealed multiple socio-economic impacts stemming from water shortages among women in Chegutu. The implications of this scarcity manifest in diverse ways, including heightened susceptibility to water-borne diseases, the erosion of accessibility to basic sanitation and hygiene facilities, the perpetuation of gender disparities in the distribution of the water-fetching burden, elevated risks of abuse and sexual harassment during the water retrieval process, the onset of physical health challenges, and exacerbation of conflicts and discrimination by male counterparts concerning water resource management. Such far-reaching impacts are a testament to the urgency of addressing this gendered water crisis.

Concurrently, the resilience and adaptability of women in Chegutu emerged as a key theme through their innovative local-level coping strategies. These strategies include rainwater harvesting, the utilisation of boreholes, wells, storage containers, and even the judicious reuse of wastewater. Notably, these strategies are not only employed but also improved upon, with community interactive sessions contributing to the women’s ability to implement and adapt these approaches to suit the prevailing circumstances. The women in Chegutu demonstrated that, despite the formidable challenges they confront, they actively seek solutions to mitigate the pernicious effects of water scarcity.

The research demonstrates the significance of addressing gendered experiences of water shortages within Chegutu and similar secondary cities. The pronounced gender disparities in the access to, management of, and impacts of water shortages necessitate immediate action. To this end, it is imperative to institute gender-responsive water and sanitation facilities that reduce the physical and temporal strain borne disproportionately by women in the process of water acquisition. Additionally, gender-sensitive approaches to water management are pivotal in ensuring that the specific needs and challenges experienced by women are systematically addressed, contributing to their empowerment and overall well-being.

In light of our findings, we put forth several recommendations. These encompass policy initiatives aimed at gender-sensitive water allocation and infrastructure development that promote safety, accessibility, and equity for women and girls. Furthermore, community-based initiatives that support women in enhancing the efficacy of their local-level coping strategies and minimising the associated physical and health risks should be actively pursued. Our research illuminates the dire necessity of empowering women to lead safer, more productive, and healthier lives by improving their access to clean and reliable water sources.

The study has also demonstrated the remarkable value of Participatory Action Research (PAR) in understanding and addressing complex community issues. Though not without limitations, PAR proved itself to be an invaluable methodology, enabling deeper community engagement and a more nuanced comprehension of the problem at hand. The collaborative nature of PAR promotes a sense of shared ownership of the research process, fostering a greater degree of local commitment and resilience in dealing with challenges. In terms of future research, this study posits several intriguing avenues for exploration. The experiences of women in other urban areas in Zimbabwe need further investigation, recognising the distinctive dynamics and challenges that may exist in different urban communities. Additionally, an extension of this study to examine the broader societal impact of water scarcity beyond gendered experiences would shed light on the interrelated aspects of water shortage and its ramifications on communities.

Finally, our research reveals the urgency of addressing the gendered experiences of water shortages in urban areas. By advocating for the specific needs of women and girls, we champion gender equality within the realm of water, sanitation, and hygiene. The objectives set out in Sustainable Development Goal 6.1, namely, “universal and equitable access to safe and affordable drinking water for all” by 2030, can only be achieved by addressing the distinct challenges faced by women. Through concerted efforts and applying the recommendations articulated in this study, equitable access to clean water can be made a reality, ensuring that no one is left behind in pursuing this fundamental human right.

Funding

No funding was received for this study.

Conflicts of interest/Competing interests

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Data availability (data transparency)

Some of the data that underlie the findings of this study may be made available upon request from the authors.

Code availability

Not applicable

Informed consent

All participants provided written informed consent before inclusion in the study. The process included a clear explanation of the study, potential risks, benefits, and the voluntary nature of participation.

Author Contributions

All authors whose names appear on the submission made substantial contributions in conceptualization, data collection, data analysis, and writing - original draft, review and editing.

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Narration by Mrs. Jasi from Focus Group Discussion 1 in Chegutu, January 2022
Interview with a representative of an NGO in Chegutu, January 2022
Interview with a councillor in Chegutu, January 2022
Narration by Mrs. Manatsa from Focus Group Discussion 2 in Chegutu, January 2022
Narration by Mrs. Chibaya from Focus Group Discussion 1 in Chegutu, January 2022
Narration by Mrs. Chidavarume from Focus Group Discussion 1 in Chegutu, January 2022
Narration by Mrs. Chari from Focus Group Discussion 2 in Chegutu, January 2022

No competing interests reported.

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Gendered Experiences of Water Shortages in Chegutu, Zimbabwe: A Participatory Action Research Investigation

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