Intrahousehold Conflict Effects on Domestic Violence in Rwanda: Evidence from the Demographic and Health Survey 2019-2020

doi:10.21203/rs.3.rs-3781618/v1

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Intrahousehold Conflict Effects on Domestic Violence in Rwanda: Evidence from the Demographic and Health Survey 2019-2020

https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-3781618/v1

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Background

Domestic violence affects approximately one-third of women globally and presents unique challenges in Rwanda. This study examined the link between domestic violence and household conflicts, focusing on infertility, unintended pregnancies, and the impact of premarital pregnancies. The survey uses data from the 2019/20 Rwanda Demographic and Health Survey and addresses the influence of Rwandan cultural norms, the prevalence of child marriage, and societal attitudes toward violence.

Methodology

This study analysed data from the 2019-20 Rwanda Demographic and Health Survey using a two-stage sampling process. Regression discontinuity design (RDD) and logistic regression were used to evaluate variables such as domestic violence incidence and age, as well as control variables such as education, marital status, and occupational status.

Results

The findings indicate increased risks of domestic violence as women approaching the legal marriage age of 21 years face increased risks of domestic violence, with 35.1% greater likelihoods of physical violence and 14.8% greater odds of sexual violence. Polygamous marriages significantly increase the risk of sexual violence by 26.5%. Early forced sexual encounters intensify the likelihood of physical and sexual violence by 67.5% and 129.7%, respectively.

Conclusion

This study highlights the increased vulnerability to physical and sexual violence linked to early sexual encounters and polygamous marriage. These findings, diverging from global trends, underscore the necessity of employing Rwanda-specific strategies. Moreover, to effectively address domestic violence, it is important to consider cultural dynamics, socioeconomic status, and matrimonial education, including sex education and bargaining power, for both parties.

Intrahousehold conflict

domestic violence

premarital motherhood

Domestic violence is a widespread problem on a global scale, impacting approximately one-third of women worldwide. Its effects are especially significant in developing nations, where unique challenges are present in Sub-Saharan Africa and, specifically, in Rwanda (1–3). This study aimed to explore the connections between domestic violence and intrahousehold conflict-related issues such as infertility or unintended pregnancies in Rwanda, as well as their implications for public health (4–6). These intersections contribute to heightened susceptibility to abuse, leading to increased maternal mortality rates, disability, and infectious illnesses (7, 8).

Rwanda has experienced fluctuations in domestic violence cases over time. While there was a decline in the early 2000s, there was an alarming increase in societal acceptance of such violence (9–13). This study seeks to examine the complex factors contributing to this trend, with a specific focus on conflicts within households as a significant contributor to domestic violence in Rwanda. This risk is further worsened by issues such as premarital pregnancies (14, 15) Despite well-known protective factors such as education and financial independence, the connection between intrahousehold conflict and child maltreatment remains a critical issue that requires comprehensive intervention.

The cultural and societal norms in Rwanda significantly influence attitudes toward domestic violence. Traditional beliefs about male power and the aftermath of war and genocide play key roles in the acceptability and occurrence of family violence(16). This study explored these aspects by examining how cultural, psychosocial, and economic factors impact intimate partner violence among ever-married women(17). Legal policies, which include setting the legal age for marriage at 21 years, are crucial for addressing domestic violence issues. Nonetheless, it is essential to further investigate the implementation and effectiveness of these policies, especially concerning marital conflicts related to premarital motherhood (18, 19). This study aimed to investigate the relationship between intrahousehold conflict, which is specifically related to premarital pregnancies, and domestic violence in Rwanda.

This study drew on data from the 2019/20 Demographic and Health Survey to perform a microeconometric examination of domestic violence in Rwanda. The survey revealed that approximately 22% of married women in Rwanda have encountered domestic violence, with 14% reporting instances of sexual violence by their partners. Compared to regional statistics, these numbers underscore the impact of cultural, historical, and socioeconomic factors in sub-Saharan Africa(20–23).

The prevalence of child marriage is another significant aspect to consider according to UNICEF data, which indicate that 7% of girls in Rwanda are wed before they reach the age of 18. It is imperative to comprehend the complexities associated with early marriages and their correlation with domestic violence. The Rwandan scenario following the Genocide in 1994 provides distinctive insights into how conflict relates to long-term societal violence—akin to post-conflict societies such as Bosnia or Cambodia.

This study aims to offer thorough insights into the factors contributing to domestic violence in Rwanda and to provide a basis for policy and intervention strategies. This study seeks to address gaps in the current body of research by examining understudied aspects, such as the impact of premarital pregnancies and perceptions about marital status, on experiences of violence. Furthermore, this study provides insights into how existing legal frameworks influence efforts to combat domestic violence.

2.1 Data sources

This study utilizes the Rwanda Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) 2019-20 for its empirical analysis(24). The dataset is known for its methodological rigor and comprehensive coverage, making it an ideal choice. A representative sample of married women aged 15–49 in Rwanda was obtained through a meticulous two-stage sampling process. The first stage involved identifying clusters within enumeration areas across Rwanda to ensure geographic and socioeconomic representation. In the second stage, households within these clusters were systematically selected, including long-term residents and overnight visitors, to create a demographic profile that was inclusive.

The DHS's robust sampling methodology and participant selection ensure data reliability, which is crucial for evaluating the extent and determinants of domestic violence. However, it is important to note that the cross-sectional nature of the survey and the reliance on self-reported data, especially on sensitive issues such as domestic violence, can introduce certain biases. These biases can impact longitudinal inferences and response accuracy. Nonetheless, the thoroughness of the DHS dataset aligns closely with the study's objectives to explore intrahousehold conflict-related factors associated with domestic violence in Rwanda.

2.2 Selection of the variables

Outcome Variable

The primary focus of this study was to measure the incidence of domestic violence within households. This measurement was obtained by using responses from the domestic violence module of the DHS, which includes questions about physical, emotional, and sexual violence. The study specifically pays attention to instances of violence related to marital conflict, including those related to premarital motherhood.

Running Variable: Age of Married Women: The age of the surveyed women serves as a running variable, with a particular emphasis on the age at which they entered marriage. This approach is important for understanding the impact of early marriage and the presence of prelegal or premarital pregnancies, which are factors associated with increased risks of domestic violence. Age will be analysed in granular units, such as years and months, to facilitate a more precise analysis using regression discontinuity design (RDD) (25, 26).

Control variables

The selection of control variables is crucial for comprehending the multifaceted nature of domestic violence within households. These variables include the educational attainment of women, as research has shown that education influences awareness of and responses to domestic violence (27). The number of dependents in a household is also considered, recognizing its potential impact on household dynamics and stress levels (10, 28). The occupational status of women is included to examine how financial independence affects domestic violence situations(28, 29).

Access to healthcare facilities is another critical variable, as it can significantly influence the ability to seek help in cases of violence (19, 30). Geographical location is considered to account for varying cultural norms and resource availability between urban and rural areas(16, 31). Women's perceptions of family planning and personal experiences with violence are also crucial, as they can contribute to marital conflicts and shape attitudes toward violence (32). Collectively, these control variables, grounded in recent literature, provide a comprehensive framework for analysing the complex interplay of factors contributing to domestic violence in the Rwandan context.

2.3 Analytical approach and empirical strategy

This study used a quantitative methodology to examine the association between household conflict and domestic violence among married women in Rwanda. This study utilized regression discontinuity design coupled with logistic regression to investigate the potential impact of demographic factors and early childbirth on the likelihood of experiencing domestic violence. Moreover, RDD was used to identify distinct discontinuity criteria, such as age at first childbirth or duration of marriage before giving birth, in Rwanda to specifically assess the causal effects of intrahousehold conflict on domestic violence incidents. Hence, the RDD estimating equation is expressed as follows:

$${Y}_{i}=\alpha +\beta {D}_{i}+{\gamma }_{1}{X}_{i}+{{\gamma }_{2}\left({X}_{i}-c\right)}^{+}+\delta {Z}_{i}+{ϵ}_{i}$$

where

${Y}_{i}$ is the outcome variable representing the incidence of domestic violence for woman i.
Di is a binary treatment indicator equal to 1 if individual i's characteristic (e.g., duration of given birth between 15 and 49 years) falls under the cut-off c and 0 otherwise.

$${D}_{i}=\left\{\begin{array}{c}1, If a woman given birth before 21 years\\ 0, Otherwise\end{array}\right.$$

Xi represents the running variable (e.g., age at marriage or duration of marriage).
(Xi−c)⁺ is the distance from the cut-off, applied only when Xi is above the cut-off c, allowing for a differential impact on either side of the cut-off.
Zi includes other covariates or control variables relevant to the Rwandan context, such as educational level, employment status, or demographic factors.
α, β, γ1, γ2, and δ are the parameters to be estimated.
ϵi is the error term.

Logistic regression, a widely used statistical method for categorical outcomes, was used to determine the associations between domestic violence and a set of explanatory variables. These variables were selected based on a comprehensive review of the relevant literature and theoretical foundations. The logistic regression equation can be described as follows:

$$\text{l}\text{o}\text{g}\left(\frac{\text{P}({\text{Y}}_{\text{i}}=1)}{1-P({Y}_{i}=1)}\right)={\beta }_{0}+{\beta }_{1}{X}_{1i}+{\beta }_{2}{X}_{2i}+\dots +{\beta }_{k}{X}_{ki}$$

Here:

${Y}_{i}$ is the outcome variable representing the occurrence of domestic violence for woman i.
${X}_{1i}, {X}_{2i},\dots , {X}_{ki}$ are the independent variables and could include factors such as the individual's age, education level, employment status, exposure to intrahousehold conflict, and other relevant socioeconomic or demographic factors.
${\beta }_{0}$ is the intercept, and ${\beta }_{1}, {\beta }_{2},\dots ,{\beta }_{k}$are the coefficients to be estimated for each independent variable.
$\text{P}\left({\text{Y}}_{\text{i}}=1\right)$ is the likelihood of domestic violence occurring for woman i.

The integration of RDD in this framework enabled a deeper comprehension of the causal dynamics involved in the correlation between intrahousehold conflict and the incidence of domestic violence. This analytical method sought to offer detailed perspectives on the complex interactions of different factors contributing to the incidence of domestic violence, thus laying solid groundwork for comprehending and tackling this critical matter within the Rwandan context.

3.1 Descriptive evidence

The present study showed that as married women approach the legal marriage age of 21, the risk of sexual and physical violence significantly increases. This age appears to be a turning point, with sexual violence risks rising before the age of 21 and then declining, while physical violence risks sharply rise at this age (33). These findings indicate that the transition to legal marriage eligibility has a significant impact on women's vulnerability to domestic violence (34). Therefore, the following tables aim to provide a clearer description of the factors contributing to intrahousehold conflicts and the determinants or risk factors associated with domestic violence.

3.2 The association between sociodemographic status and domestic violence

During the analysis, we examined the factors that influence domestic violence, specifically physical violence (Table 1) and sexual violence (Table 2). We compared married women who had children before and after the age of 21. The results showed significant correlations with domestic violence; however, the influencing factors varied. These factors included early sexual experiences, dynamics within marriages, and economic conditions. The findings indicate that early sexual encounters, polygamous marriages, decision-making dynamics within households, past traumatic experiences, and economic factors all play important roles in predisposing women to sexual violence.

Both Table 1 and Table 2 present clear patterns that provide insights into the prevailing circumstances. Notably, the age at first sexual encounter stands out. Women who initiated sexual activity before the age of 15 years consistently reported higher rates of both physical violence (41.8% for those who had children younger than 21 years and 35.7% for those older than 21 years) and sexual violence (22% and 14.3%, respectively). This suggests that a vulnerability trajectory persists from early sexual initiation into later stages of life.

Polygamous marriages also emerge as a concern. Among these women, 26.5% reported a significantly higher rate of sexual violence, regardless of when they had children. This disparity is evident when comparing the figures to those from non-polygamous unions, highlighting the unique risks faced by women in polygamous settings. Furthermore, household wealth, as an indicator of economic status, offers specific insights. Women from the poorest households consistently reported higher instances of both physical and sexual violence. For sexual violence, the rates were 18.5% for those who had children younger than 21 years and 15.3% for those older than 21 years, with a clear decline as household wealth increased.

Table 1 demonstrates the statistical significance (P = 0.000) of age at first sexual experience for physical violence. Higher percentages of physical violence were reported among those who had their first sexual encounter before the age of 15 (41.8% for those who had children younger than 21 and 35.7% for those older than 21), between the ages of 16–18 (42.7% and 40.7%), and between 18–20 (35.9% and 35%) than among those who began sexual activity at the age of 21 or older (27.2% and 26.4%). The difference in the likelihood of getting married and having a first child was also statistically significant.

For those who give birth before the age of 21, the p value is 0.043; for those who give birth after the age of 21, the p value is 0.051. A higher percentage of physical violence was reported among couples who had been married for 2 or more years. This was followed by couples who had been married for 1–2 years and then those who had been married for less than 6 months or 7–11 months. The rates of physical violence were significantly different for individuals with polygamous marriages, with a higher rate of violence among women with polygamous marriages than among those with monogamous marriages.

The person who makes large household purchases is also a significant factor. When the husband makes decisions alone or with others, women face the highest rate of violence. This is followed by women who make decisions alone, and the lowest rate of violence is found in couples who make joint decisions. The factor of experiencing forced sex as a child (before the age of 15) was also significant. Those who have experienced such trauma report higher rates of violence than those who have not.

Table 1

Bivariate analysis of marital status in women who experienced physical violence
	Given Birth < 21 (N = 2193)			Given Birth After 21 (N = 1795)
Factors	%	CI	P Value	%	CI	P Value
Age at first sex	34.6	[32.4,36.8]	0.000	33.1	[30.6,35.6]	0.000
< 15 years	41.8	[32.8,51.4]		35.7	[26.9,45.6]
16–18 years	42.7	[38.5,47.0]		40.7	[35.9,45.7]
18–20 Years	35.9	[31.5,40.6]		35	[30.0,40.4]
21 + Years	27.2	[24.4,30.3]		26.4	[23.3,29.8]
Marriage at first birth interval	38.9	[36.5,41.4]	0.043	35.2	[32.6,37.8]	0.051
< 6 months	34.9	[27.8,42.8]		28.3	[21.6,36.2]
7–11 Months	35.9	[32.1,39.9]		33.2	[29.3,37.4]
1–2 Years	38.8	[34.3,43.5]		35.2	[30.4,40.3]
2 + years	44.7	[39.5,50.0]		40.8	[35.4,46.4]
Polygamous marriage	34	[31.5,36.6]	0.001	34	[31.5,36.6]	0.001
No	32.6	[30.0,35.3]		32.6	[30.0,35.3]
Yes	49.7	[39.7,59.7]		49.7	[39.7,59.7]
Person who decides large household purchases	34	[31.5,36.7]	0.000	34	[31.5,36.7]	0.000
Wife Only	51.9	[42.7,60.9]		51.9	[42.7,60.9]
Couple	28.8	[26.0,31.9]		28.8	[26.0,31.9]
Husband alone, other	43.5	[38.2,48.9]		43.5	[38.2,48.9]
Forced to have sex as child (before age 15)	34.5	[32.3,36.7]	0.044	33	[30.5,35.6]	0.065
No	34.1	[31.9,36.4]		32.7	[30.2,35.3]
Yes	46.6	[34.6,59.1]		46.7	[32.0,62.1]
Wife listens to radio at least once a week	34.6	[32.4,36.8]	0.000	33.1	[30.6,35.6]	0.000
No	40.2	[36.6,43.9]		38.6	[34.8,42.5]
Yes	30.4	[27.7,33.2]		29.3	[26.3,32.5]
Wife believes IPV is justified	34.6	[32.4,36.8]	0.000	33.1	[30.6,35.6]	0.000
No	27.8	[24.8,30.9]		25.9	[22.5,29.5]
Yes	41.1	[38.1,44.1]		40	[36.8,43.3]
Wife's employment	34.6	[32.4,36.8]	0.043	33.1	[30.6,35.6]	0.318
Unemployed	29	[24.3,34.2]		29.9	[24.8,35.6]
self-employed agriculture	34.3	[31.1,37.7]		32.5	[29.0,36.1]
Employed	37.1	[33.5,40.8]		35.1	[30.9,39.6]
Number of children under 5	34.6	[32.4,36.8]	0.883	33.1	[30.6,35.6]	0.201
No child	33.8	[30.0,37.9]		29.6	[25.0,34.7]
1–2 child	34.9	[32.3,37.7]		34.4	[31.5,37.3]
3–7 child	33.6	[23.9,45.0]		30	[20.6,41.6]
Female Headed	34.6	[32.4,36.8]	0.105	33.1	[30.6,35.6]	0.275
Male	33.5	[30.8,36.2]		33.6	[30.9,36.4]
Female	37.2	[33.6,41.0]		30	[24.5,36.1]
Age of husband/partner	34	[31.5,36.6]	0.130	34	[31.5,36.6]	0.13
< 21 Years	19	[4.7,52.9]		19	[4.7,52.9]
21–29 yrs	27.6	[22.0,34.0]		27.6	[22.0,34.0]
30–39 yrs	34.6	[30.9,38.6]		34.6	[30.9,38.6]
40–49 yrs	35.9	[30.8,41.4]		35.9	[30.8,41.4]
50 + Year	37.8	[31.0,45.2]		37.8	[31.0,45.2]
Residence	34.6	[32.4,36.8]	0.004	33.1	[30.6,35.6]	0.082
Urban	27.7	[23.2,32.7]		27.6	[21.6,34.5]
Rural	35.9	[33.5,38.4]		34.1	[31.4,36.9]
Age at first birth	36.4	[34.1,38.7]	0.000	34.8	[32.3,37.5]	0.000
Aged 21 and above	32.3	[29.8,35.0]		31.5	[28.6,34.5]
Less than 21 years	44.4	[40.3,48.6]		41.8	[37.0,46.7]
Household wealth	34.6	[32.4,36.8]	0.000	33.1	[30.6,35.6]	0.000
Poorest	43	[38.4,47.6]		41.2	[36.0,46.7]
Poorer	41.1	[36.3,46.1]		38.9	[33.8,44.3]
Middle	34.5	[29.5,39.8]		34.5	[29.2,40.3]
Richer	29.7	[25.2,34.6]		28.7	[24.2,33.7]
Richest	22.6	[18.5,27.2]		21.4	[16.6,27.1]

The wife's beliefs about intimate partner violence (IPV) being justified also play a significant role. Those who believe it is justified face higher rates of violence than those who do not. In terms of wife's employment, the significance of the difference in employment status varies depending on whether the birth occurred before or after the age of 21. Compared with unemployed women, employed women face slightly greater rates of violence.

The influence of the number of children under 5 years old was not statistically significant (P = 0.883 for before 21 and P = 0.201 for after 21). However, women without children experience slightly less violence than women with children. In terms of residence, urban women faced lower levels of violence (27.7% before 21 and 27.6% after 21) than did rural women (35.9% before 21 and 34.1% after 21), with significance levels of P = 0.004 and P = 0.082, respectively. Age at first birth was a statistically significant factor (P = 0.000), with higher rates of violence observed among those with births occurring before 21 years than among those with births occurring after 21 years. Finally, the poorest households experience the highest levels of violence, with the rate decreasing as household wealth increases. This difference was statistically significant, with a P value of 0.000.

Age at first sexual intercourse was a significant factor (P = 0.005) for women who gave birth before 21 years of age. Among women who had their first sexual encounter before the age of 15, 22% reported the highest rate of violence (compared to 14.3% for those who gave birth after 21). The rate of violence decreases as the age at first sex increases, but it is noteworthy that even those who first had sex at 21 years or older still reported substantial rates of violence (13.1% before 21 and 12.3% after 21). The intervals between marriage and first birth, although not significantly different between the two groups (P = 0.571 before 21 and P = 0.827 after 21), were not statistically significant. However, there is a striking difference in the rates of violence for women in polygamous marriages, with a high rate of 26.5% regardless of the age at which they gave birth.

Table 2 shows that factors such as the wife's perspective on refusing sex, decision-making power in large household purchases, and experience of forced sex during childhood all have significant P values, indicating their importance in understanding the dynamics of sexual violence. Importantly, women who are solely responsible for making decisions about large household purchases, as well as those in households where decisions are made by the husband alone or by others, report higher rates of violence (29.6% and 21%, respectively). A total of 25.7% of those who experienced forced sex during childhood reported having committed violence before 21, and 23.3% of those who had given birth after 21. The data presented further reveal disparities related to household wealth. Women from economically disadvantaged households reported higher prevalence rates of violence (18.5% before the age of 21 and 15.3% after the age of 21). On the other hand, these rates decrease as household wealth increases.

Table 2

Bivariate analysis of marital status in women who experienced sexual violence
	Given Birth < 21 (N = 2193)			Given Birth After 21 (N = 1795)
Factors	%	CI	P Value	%	CI	P Value
Age at first sex	14.7	[13.1,16.5]	0.005	13	[11.3,14.9]	0.567
< 15 years	22	[15.4,30.4]		14.3	[9.0,21.8]
16–18 years	17.6	[14.6,21.1]		14.6	[11.5,18.3]
18–20 Years	12.1	[9.5,15.4]		11.8	[8.8,15.5]
21 + Years	13.1	[10.9,15.8]		12.3	[10.0,15.1]
Marriage at first birth interval	16.7	[14.9,18.8]	0.571	14	[12.1,16.0]	0.827
< 6 months	18	[12.5,25.2]		13.9	[9.0,20.8]
7–11 Months	15.2	[12.4,18.5]		13.2	[10.5,16.3]
1–2 Years	16.7	[13.7,20.3]		13.8	[10.7,17.6]
2 + years	18.4	[14.9,22.6]		15.4	[11.8,19.9]
Polygamous marriage	13.5	[11.8,15.5]	0.000	13.5	[11.8,15.5]	0.000
No	12.4	[10.7,14.3]		12.4	[10.7,14.3]
Yes	26.5	[19.1,35.4]		26.5	[19.1,35.4]
Person who decides large household purchases	13.5	[11.8,15.5]	0.000	13.5	[11.8,15.5]	0.000
Wife Only	29.6	[21.7,38.9]		29.6	[21.7,38.9]
Couple	9.2	[7.6,11.2]		9.2	[7.6,11.2]
Husband alone, other	21	[16.9,25.8]		21	[16.9,25.8]
Forced to have sex as child (before age 15)	14.7	[13.1,16.5]	0.021	12.7	[11.1,14.5]	0.038
No	14.1	[12.5,15.9]		12.4	[10.8,14.3]
Yes	25.7	[15.5,39.6]		23.3	[13.0,38.2]
Wife listens to radio at least once a week	14.7	[13.1,16.5]	0.000	13	[11.3,14.9]	0.001
No	18.6	[15.9,21.5]		16.3	[13.6,19.3]
Yes	11.9	[10.0,14.0]		10.8	[8.9,13.0]
Wife believes IPV is justified	14.7	[13.1,16.5]	0.074	13	[11.3,14.9]	0.060
No	13.1	[10.9,15.6]		11.3	[9.1,14.0]
Yes	16.3	[13.9,19.0]		14.6	[12.4,17.2]
Wife's employment	14.7	[13.1,16.5]	0.015	13	[11.3,14.9]	0.268
Unemployed	12	[8.9,16.0]		10.7	[7.5,15.0]
self-employed agriculture	13	[10.8,15.5]		12.4	[10.2,15.1]
Employed	17.5	[14.7,20.8]		14.6	[11.7,18.2]
Number of children under 5	14.7	[13.1,16.5]	0.651	13	[11.3,14.9]	0.87
No child	15.7	[12.7,19.3]		13.8	[10.6,17.7]
1–2 child	14.2	[12.4,16.3]		12.7	[10.8,14.9]
3–7 child	16.6	[9.6,27.3]		13.4	[7.1,23.9]
Female Headed	14.7	[13.1,16.5]	0.002	13	[11.3,14.9]	0.664
Male	13	[11.2,15.0]		12.8	[11.0,14.8]
Female	18.9	[15.6,22.7]		13.9	[9.8,19.4]
Age of husband/partner	13.5	[11.8,15.5]	0.114	13.5	[11.8,15.5]	0.114
< 21 Years	0			0
21–29 yrs	9.3	[6.2,13.6]		9.3	[6.2,13.6]
30–39 yrs	14.4	[11.9,17.3]		14.4	[11.9,17.3]
40–49 yrs	13.8	[10.5,18.0]		13.8	[10.5,18.0]
50 + Year	16.7	[11.9,23.0]		16.7	[11.9,23.0]
Residence	14.7	[13.1,16.5]	0.488	13	[11.3,14.9]	0.302
Urban	13.4	[9.9,17.9]		10.5	[6.7,16.3]
Rural	15	[13.2,17.0]		13.4	[11.7,15.4]
Age at first birth	15.5	[13.8,17.4]	0.033	13.8	[12.0,15.9]	0.899
Aged 21 and above	14.1	[12.2,16.3]		13.7	[11.6,16.2]
Less than 21 years	18.3	[15.1,22.0]		14	[10.9,17.8]
Household wealth	14.7	[13.1,16.5]	0.000	13	[11.3,14.9]	0.000
Poorest	18.5	[15.1,22.5]		15.3	[11.8,19.6]
Poorer	18.6	[15.0,22.9]		17.2	[13.4,21.9]
Middle	15.9	[12.2,20.6]		15.6	[11.8,20.3]
Richer	10.5	[7.8,14.0]		9.9	[7.1,13.8]
Richest	9.3	[6.7,12.8]		6.8	[4.3,10.4]

3.3 Risk factors for physical and sexual violence among married women

The analysis presented in Table 3 reveals the key factors contributing to physical and sexual violence among married women after giving birth. The findings indicate that women in polygamous marriages are 51.6% more likely to experience physical violence and 82.6% more likely to experience sexual violence. Conversely, when women are involved in making important financial decisions for the household, the risk of physical violence decreases by 79.4%, and the risk of sexual violence decreases even more significantly by 124%.

Furthermore, the evidence suggests that experiencing forced sexual encounters before the age of 15 increases the likelihood of experiencing physical violence in marriage by 67.5% and sexual violence by 129.7%. This highlights the long-lasting effects of early traumatic experiences on intimate relationships. Additionally, economic stability, as indicated by household wealth, is inversely related to the risk of violence. As household wealth increases, the risk of physical violence decreases by 66.9%, and the risk of sexual violence decreases by 66.1%. However, believing in intimate partner violence among married women leads to a 53.1% increase in the risk of enduring physical violence.

Table 3

Risk factors for physical and sexual violence among married women
	Physical Violence		Sexual violence
Factors	Coef	Std. Err	Coef	Std. Err
Polygamous marriage
No
Yes	0.516**	2.69	0.826***	0.223
Person who decides large household purchases
Wife Only
Couple	-0.794**	0.199	-1.24***	0.233
Husband alone, other	-0.22	0.216	-0.382	0.246
Forced to have sex as child (before age 15)
No
Yes	0.675*	0.352	1.297***	0.379
Wife believes IPV is justified
No
Yes	0.531***	0.112
Household wealth
Poorest
Poorer	-0.012	0.159	0.293	0.224
Middle	-0.113	0.163	0.193	0.234
Richer	-0.268	0.164	-0.198	0.278
Richest	-0.669***	0.186	-0.661**	0.613
Constant	-0.193	0.218	-1.09***	0.239

P value: *10% **5% ***1%. Full logistic regression model

3.4 Effects of intrahousehold conflicts on domestic violence

Based on previous studies, we examined various factors, including the household's wealth quintile, home size, partner's age and education level, and polygamy status, to determine their potential impact on domestic violence (35). The results of the study showed a significant association between intrahousehold conflicts and domestic violence. Table 4 clearly illustrates that women who experienced intrahousehold conflicts were at a greater risk of facing domestic violence than women who did not.

Regarding age at motherhood, the study showed that married women who gave birth before the age of 21 had a lower risk of physical violence (11.9%) and sexual violence (8.4%) than did those who gave birth later. On the other hand, women who started motherhood after the age of 21 faced an increased risk. Specifically, they had a 35.1% greater chance of experiencing physical violence and a 14.8% greater risk of experiencing sexual violence than women who had children at a younger age. It is important to note that these findings considered all the factors that contribute to domestic violence among married women.

Table 4

Effects of intrahousehold conflicts on domestic violence
	Physical violence		Sexual violence
	Coef.	Std. Err	Coef.	Std. Err
Married women with birth
Given birth before 21	-0.119**	0.053	-0.084***	0.0321
Given birth after 21	0.351***	0.0103	0.148***	0.0078
Ratio of the average	-0.339**	0.148	-0.571***	0.211

This study provides a comprehensive analysis of the factors contributing to domestic violence, with a particular focus on the Rwandan context. One important finding is that the risk of domestic violence significantly increases as women approach the legal marriage age of 21. Interestingly, the study reveals a unique trend in which the risk of sexual violence increases before turning 21 and then decreases, while the risk of physical violence sharply increases at this age. However, these findings differ from previous research by Dhamija and Roychowdhury, which suggested that getting married at an older age serves as a protective factor against physical violence (34). The impact on sexual violence is also unclear, with some studies indicating a decline and others finding no significant effect.

The study also explored the relationship between early sexual experiences and domestic violence. Notably, women who had sexual encounters before the age of 15 years reported higher rates of both physical (41.8% and 35.7%) and sexual violence (22% and 14.3%). This finding suggested that early sexual activity is a risk factor for later violence. These findings align with research conducted in India, Peru, Ghana, Nigeria, and Punjab, which also demonstrated a strong association between young age at marriage or early sexual experiences and an increased risk of domestic violence against women worldwide(36).

Another significant finding is that women in polygamous marriages experience a greater rate of sexual violence (26.5%) than women in nonpolygamous unions. This indicates the unique risks associated with polygamy and polyandry. Supporting this observation, research has consistently shown that women in polygamous marriages experience a range of negative psychological and social outcomes, such as depression(37), lower education and economic status, and engagement in risky sexual behavior(38).

Furthermore, the study examines the relationship between economic status and domestic violence. This study establishes a clear correlation between economic disadvantage, as indicated by household wealth, and higher instances of domestic violence. Women from the poorest households reported higher rates of both physical and sexual violence. This relationship is influenced by various factors, including neighborhood economic disadvantage, individual economic distress, education, attitudes toward wife-beating, and control by husbands (39, 40).

The study's findings present a complex picture that differs from global trends in several ways. Factors such as the age of marriage, early sexual experiences, economic status, and societal attitudes toward polygamy and intimate partner violence (IPV) all contribute to domestic violence patterns. However, these factors manifest differently in Rwanda, likely due to unique cultural, socioeconomic, and legal contexts. For instance, the impact of motherhood before the age of 21 or women's employment on domestic violence may not align with global patterns, possibly due to differing societal norms or economic dynamics. Additionally, the urban‒rural divide in experiences of violence and the influence of early forced sex on later violence might be perceived or reported differently in Rwanda.

These discrepancies highlight the need for context-specific approaches to understanding and addressing domestic violence. It is crucial to consider local cultural, economic, and social factors when developing public health strategies and interventions. To address domestic violence in Rwanda, a multifaceted approach is necessary. This includes integrating mental health services that focus on trauma-informed care, providing training for healthcare providers regarding mental health issues related to domestic violence, and implementing comprehensive sex education in schools and community workshops. Additionally, it is important to develop educational programs that promote healthy marital and conjugal relationships, empower women to enhance their bargaining power in marriages, and address the unique challenges of polygamous relationships. These efforts should be supported by collaboration across sectors and continuous monitoring and evaluation to adapt to evolving needs and feedback.

Confidence Interval

DHS

Demographic and Health Survey

RDD

Regression Discontinuity Design

Ethics approval

The procedures were performed in accordance with the appropriate guidelines of the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) program. The International Review Board of DHS program data archivists waived the requirement for informed consent. Upon submitting the consent form to the DHS Program, permission to download the dataset was granted for this study. The dataset was kept confidential and anonymized to ensure its privacy and was not shared or transferred to any other entities.

Consent for publication

Not Applicable

Competing interests

I declare no conflict of interest.

Funding

No funding was obtained from public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors for this study.

Availability of data and materials

The manuscript has fully used DHS Datasets and free available upon request from their website https://dhsprogram.com/

Author and Affiliation

D-Hause Co., Rwanda

Harerimana Jean de Dieu (HJD)

Author' contributions

HJD conceptualized the study, drafted the background and literature review. conducted the analysis, drafted the results and the discussion. HJD reviewed several drafts and suggested additional revisions. HJD is responsible for submitting the manuscript. HJD reviewed and approved the final version of the manuscript.

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Harerimana Jean de Dieu ([email protected])

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Intrahousehold Conflict Effects on Domestic Violence in Rwanda: Evidence from the Demographic and Health Survey 2019-2020

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Abstract

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1 Background

2 Methodology

2.1 Data sources

2.2 Selection of the variables

2.3 Analytical approach and empirical strategy

3 Results

3.1 Descriptive evidence

3.2 The association between sociodemographic status and domestic violence

3.3 Risk factors for physical and sexual violence among married women

3.4 Effects of intrahousehold conflicts on domestic violence

4 Discussion

5 Conclusion

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