Brazil has emerged as a global agricultural powerhouse in the last four decades. It achieved this status largely by converting 65 Mha of native vegetation in the Brazilian Legal Amazon (MapBiomas, 2021). As of 2021, Brazil produced 33% of the world’s soybeans and 14% of its beef (FAO, 2021a, 2021b). The recent boom in agricultural production may create social benefits such as increasing income or improved access to schools and healthcare (Richards et al., 2015), but that is not always the case (Rodrigues et al., 2009). It has often contributed to income inequality, land concentration, rural violence and land grabbing, environmental degradation, and regional and global climate changes (Alston et al., 2000; Strassburg et al., 2014).
Although Brazil has begun to recognize that it cannot continue to sacrifice its natural environment to satisfy its goals of economic and agricultural growth (Pinto et al., 2017; Strassburg et al., 2014), it still lacks a clear path forward to harmonize production, environmental protection, conservation, and forest restoration. Recent national projections and commitments illustrate this lack of policy coordination. By 2030, the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Supply (MAPA) projects an increase in beef and soy production (of ~ 16% and ~ 30%, respectively) through expansion and intensification (Brasil and Secretaria de Política Agrícola, 2020). At the same time, Brazil and several subnational (state or municipal) governments have set conservation policies that include aggressive goals for forest restoration (12 Mha), recovering 15 Mha of degraded pasture lands, and ending illegal deforestation (Brasil, 2017; Mato Grosso, 2016). For instance, Brazil’s Nationally Determined Contribution aims to mitigate climate changes by reducing annual emissions by 50% until 2030 (Brazil, 2022). The greatest part of that commitment would be met by ending illegal deforestation in the Amazon, but there is no clear, long-term national strategy to reconcile these competing goals.
Brazil’s current strategies and investment approaches – the Business as Usual (BAU) scenario – may achieve strong agricultural output by 2030, at the expense of conservation goals. Over the last several decades, substantial efforts have been made to increase productivity in agriculture and cattle ranching (Hampf et al., 2020) as a way to avoid deforestation and mitigate climate change (Strassburg et al., 2014). Nevertheless, significant deforestation continues in the Amazon forest biome today, increasing from 4,571 km2 in 2012 to 13,235 km2 in 2021 (INPE, 2021). Along with a lack of investment in expanding protected areas and avoiding (legal and illegal) deforestation on private lands, this will keep Brazil from meeting its NDC goals, established at COP 21 (and revised in 2022 (Brazil, 2022), threatening climate change mitigation. Moreover, focusing on agricultural growth to exclude conservation is risky since native vegetation plays a critical role in regulating regional climate (Nobre et al., 1991; Shukla et al., 1990; Silvério et al., 2015). A growing body of evidence suggests that deforestation strongly affects local climate (Rattis et al., 2021; Lawrence and Vandecar, 2014; Hampf et al., 2020) that will negatively impact agricultural yields (Hampf et al., 2020; Rattis et al., 2021). Climate regulation by native vegetation is thus key to the long-term sustainability of agricultural production, which is highly dependent on predictable rainfall (Coe et al., 2017; Leite-Filho et al., 2021).
3.1 New path towards governance in land-use allocation.
For the private sector, the biggest cost associated with conserving forests is compliance with Brazil's Native Vegetation Protection Law (Brasil, 2012), which requires restoring illegally cleared landscape features protected by law (APPs and LRs). Public sector conservation costs include monitoring and enforcement on private properties; creating and managing public protected areas (Medeiros and Young, 2011); and delivering technical assistance to smallholders (Bragança et al., 2022). Our results show these costs may also hold essential opportunities and income generation potential.
Brazil has significant strategic investments that could help foster forest conservation and increase agricultural productivity while stimulating an emerging market for conservation and GHG reductions. Through coordinated investments in the following four sectors (Stabile et al., 2020), Brazil could generate substantial revenue and chart a more sustainable pathway for the Amazon: (i) designation of public forests as protected areas and improve the management of existing ones; (ii) avoid legal deforestation on private properties and promote compliance with Brazil's Native Vegetation Protection Law through restoration; (iii) promote sustainable and targeted intensification on medium and large farms; and (iv) provide technical assistance to increase income and reduce deforestation on smallholder farms (Fig. 1).
3.2 Designation of public forests as protected areas and improve the management of existing ones.
There are currently about 72 Mha of undesignated public areas in the Amazon – defined as state or federal lands that have yet to be allocated to a specific use (Azevedo-Ramos et al., 2020; Azevedo-Ramos and Moutinho, 2018). Of these, 49.8 Mha (69%) are public forests that must be designated for specific uses by law (Brasil, 2006). Another 22.7 Mha (31%) are public lands (not yet designated) also under threat. This unclear tenure status confers a high risk of illegal deforestation, even though they cannot be designated for private use (Brown et al., 2016). In 2019 and 2020, 44% of Amazon deforestation detected by PRODES occurred in public forests and lands. Two-thirds of this deforestation occurred in Undesignated Public Forests (Alencar et al., 2020; Salomão et al., 2021).
Since protected areas have been effective tools for deterring deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon (Walker et al., 2020), designating these forests as protected areas is a cost-effective strategy to reduce deforestation pressure and associated carbon emissions (Kruid et al., 2021), while limiting the market for land speculation in these undesignated lands (Azevedo-Ramos and Moutinho, 2018; Miranda et al., 2019; Moutinho et al., 2016; Soares-Filho et al., 2010). By designating public forests and limiting the supply of “cheap land”, associated with more effective command and control/governance and market actions that are sensitive to illegal production, there will be a shift towards increasing productivity in consolidated areas. Land grabbing and deforestation will be minimized while preserving ecosystem services in the region. The creation of new protected areas and environmentally distinguished settlements (Brasil, 2006) will also be adapted to the local need -- i.e., it will be “soft” when in remote areas and “strong” when closer to roads and at higher risk of deforestation (Alencar et al., 2020, p. 2; Nepstad et al., 2001; Silvestrini et al., 2011).
At the same time, many existing Conservation Units, and Indigenous Territories (PAs) need better management and governance. Deforestation in these areas accounted for 11% of total deforestation in the Amazon in 2019 (Alencar et al., 2020). Forest degradation due to natural and anthropogenic disturbances is becoming increasingly common (Walker et al., 2020). In our work, we account for the cost of continuous management to strengthen these areas' governance and implementation status.
Our results suggest that improving governance in existing PAs and speeding up land designation after 2019 (assuming all are designated with adequate governance by 2026) would cost BRL $3 billion by 2030. However, the additional revenues from forest concessions, extraction of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), and ecotourism (visitation impacts on local economies) would add up to BRL 5 billion by 2030. This investment would avoid ~ 852 km2yr− 1 of deforestation annually.
3.3 Avoid legal deforestation on private properties and promote restoration.
There are 14.1 Mha of native vegetation on private properties that could be deforested legally, according to Brazil's Native Vegetation Protection Law (Brasil, 2012). The deforestation of these areas would likely push the Amazon past its tipping point (Banerjee et al., 2021; Sampaio et al., 2007), causing irreversible changes to the climate system and further increasing carbon emissions to the atmosphere. At the same time, an estimated forest deficit of 13.4 Mha of areas needs to be compensated or restored. We propose that landowners participate in one of two compensation mechanisms to avoid legal deforestation.
Without additional economic incentives, the remaining 10 Mha of forest surplus would be at risk of being legally deforested. Avoiding the conversion of these areas would depend on the creation of private or public compensation programs, including Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) (Angelsen et al., 2012); payments for ecosystem services (Börner et al., 2017; Stabile et al., 2022); or more innovative approaches that use the carbon stored in these areas for offset markets (IPAM, 2014; Stabile et al., 2022). Investments in compensation programs to conserve these areas could come from the private sector, particularly actors committed to zero deforestation commodities or those from emerging carbon markets, as regulated during COP26 in Glasgow. These investments would effectively put a value on standing forests (or other native vegetation), while avoiding potential deforestation and its associated emissions. Such mechanisms have not been tested at scale (Engel et al., 2015), but based on current research, we estimate an annual opportunity cost of BRL 3.7 billion to preserve these forests (Soares-Filho et al., 2016), with a total cumulative cost of BRL 23.8 billion by 2030, given the time to reach everyone.
Areas deforested beyond the legal limit after 2008 do not qualify for the CRA compensation mechanism and need to be restored (Brasil, 2012). In the governance scenario, these 7.1 M ha would be restored considering the PLANAVEG protocol, with a total estimated cost of BRL 77.7 billion from 2019–2030, BRL 10.4 billion in revenue over the same period, and BRL 244.8 billion of potential revenue until 2060 solely from sales of wood and NTFPs derived from integrated production systems like agroforestry and sustainable forest management. These systems have a great potential to reconcile agricultural production with environmental legislation, increasing yield and farm income while also providing ecosystem services (Coelho, 2017; Gori Maia et al., 2021; Nair, 2011). This scenario would also avoid legal deforestation and facilitate compliance, avoiding ~ 1,200 km2 of deforestation annually.
3.4 Promote sustainable intensification on medium and large farms.
Global demand for food will increase by 70% by 2050 due to increased population and income (FAO, 2018), and Brazil is a key player in global food security and conservation. Despite that, deforestation on medium and large private properties represented 23% of the total deforestation in 2019 (Alencar et al., 2020). However, considering that deforestation in public PAs is often converted to agricultural purposes (Salomão et al., 2021), agriculture and ranching remain the main proximate contributors to deforestation (Pendrill et al., 2022).
Meeting MAPA production targets (Brasil and Secretaria de Política Agrícola, 2020) through expansion into new areas could require as much as five Mha of additional deforestation despite recent productivity improvements (Caviglia-Harris, 2018; Strassburg et al., 2014). Intensification of cattle ranching has been cited as a potential strategy to reduce this demand for new deforestation for pasture and agriculture (Barretto et al., 2013; Cortner et al., 2019; Strassburg et al., 2014). Our approach is to prioritize areas suitable for intensification and propose that both the public and private sectors target actions to speed up sustainable intensification.
Increasing pasture productivity from 41kg ha− 1yr− 1 to 120kg ha− 1yr− 1 on 9 Mha of existing rangelands would allow Brazil to meet MAPA production targets (Brasil and Secretaria de Política Agrícola, 2020), freeing up lands to accommodate restoration of native vegetation deficits (9 Mha, front 2) while also allowing soy expansion to occur in the existing 3.6 Mha of pasturelands. This would strengthen Brazil’s role in the global food supply chain, while fostering compliance with existing legislation and reestablishing its leading position in conservation. Assuming profit margins increase with yield, we estimate that targeted intensification will have a higher return than under the BAU scenario during the study period (SM2). It would also avoid 56,000 km² of deforestation and associated emissions; contribute to compliance with Brazil's Native Vegetation Protection Law; and accommodate deforestation-free production in the Brazilian Amazon. This intensification would cost about US$6 billion but would save US$2.3 billion per year on decreasing operational costs.
3.5 Provide technical assistance to increase income and reduce deforestation on smallholder farms.
Family farming, on smallholder properties and within rural agrarian reform settlements, occupies about 71 Mha of the Amazon, an area 10% larger than France. These areas are home to 776 thousand families (IBGE, 2017) and an estimated population of more than 3 million people. Production and development in these smallholder properties is challenging (Oliveira et al., 2019), but is critical to meet conservation goals and improve livelihoods. Many settlers were sent to the Amazon to occupy such settlements in the 1960s and 1970s, but faced a grim reality with a lack of infrastructure, education, health, and market access (Guedes et al., 2014). Many have sold their lands and moved to the city to seek new opportunities, but unskilled labor generally struggles to find adequate, secure jobs.
It is critical to create conditions that enable production in these areas to thrive, helping connections to markets and allowing for better conditions in settlements, improving livelihoods. High deforestation rates on these properties stem from the lack of institutional support, particularly concerning technical assistance, access to technology, and the development of market access for agricultural or forest products (Alencar et al., 2022, 2016; Godar et al., 2012; Souza et al., 2022). A small fraction (2–5%) of these rural settlements is responsible for ~ 25% of deforestation (Assis et al., 2019; Godar et al., 2012). Given the amount of land and current economic conditions, there is a very high risk of deforestation in settlements which tends to increase over time (Alencar et al., 2016).