Increasing carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels and other heat-trapping gases, such as methane, are known to be the cause of global warming, and the last ten years have been the warmest on record (Smoke & Cook, 2022) (also see Fig. A 1 that provide the annual average of temperature in appendix). Globally, total GHG emissions increased by 1.5% per year between 2009 and 2018, reaching 2.0% in 2018. Numerous initiatives have been taken to combat weather disruption, most notably the 2015 Paris Agreement. Following on from the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, the signatory countries of the Paris Agreement committed to keeping global temperature change below 2.0°C compared with pre-industrial levels, while continuing efforts to limit it to 1.5°C and to adapt more aggressively to the impacts of climate change. However, reductions in greenhouse gas emissions remain largely out of reach under the initial national commitments of the Paris Agreement, as the current rate of emissions, according to UNEP (2020), is likely to lead to a warming of 3.2°C by the end of the century.
The serious global challenge posed by the environment calls for joint mobilization at both national and international level. The degradation of environmental quality increases human vulnerability, creating opportunities for political oppression and other forms of human rights violations that disproportionately threaten the lives, health and dignity of future generations (May & Daly, 2021). In the literature, several factors have been identified as determinants of the weak of environmental quality including, high level of fossil energy consumption, increasing of deforestation, lack of technology adaption, limited legal institutions quality and state capacity and the lack of pro-environmental behaviors. Research based on states' environmental commitment emphasizes that the adoption of international climate agreements is an instrument enabling states to commit to environmental policy actions and objectives (Perrin & Bernauer, 2010; Von Stein, 2008; Young, 1994). Those focusing on climate change and environmental governance highlight the importance of institutional change for the consideration of environmental issues (Baloch & Wang, 2019; Castiglione et al., 2012; Hussain & Dogan, 2021; Paavola & Adger, 2005; Salman et al., 2019).
In the search for institutional mechanisms for decarbonizing the economy, the idea of taking into account and inserting environmentally-oriented provisions into constitutions has gained ground over the years. It has become an integral part of the institutional organization of environmental protection in many countries around the world (see Fig. A 2 for a world map of constitutional environmental protection adoption in appendix). Since its introduction in 1947 in Venezuela and its accelerating during the 1990s with a total of 35 countries that integrated environmental protection in their constitutions during this decade. The adoption of constitutional rules to protect environment has emerged as effective way to promote green environment and is considered as having immediate consequences than international treaties (Imhof et al., 2016).
Constitutional environmental protection (CEP) has received considerable attention in the existing literature in recent decades. Early studies, essentially legal, present a constitutional provision relating to the environment as a directive principle, the application of which can lead to the establishment of an environmental protection system. It plays a key role, providing a stable framework for environmental democracy by increasing short-term political incentives for longer-term environmental protection (Davies & Hickey, 2021). It also helps build resilience to the security, economic and political challenges posed by climate change (Lindvall, 2021). In addition, other studies believes that constitutional environmental provision establishes the guiding principles for clarifying the allocation of institutional responsibilities in the definition and enforcement of laws, articulating the scope as well as the content and defining the legal standards they require, from the judiciary to the political organs of the state. They also establish that the constitution of the right to the environment leads to the development of mechanisms to ensure that the state complies with the constitutional obligation to promote social values including climate change mitigation and environmental protection (Hellner & Epstein, 2023; Weis, 2018). The underlying idea is that a constitutional right to the environment enables rights-holders to hold political decision-makers to account if their rights are violated. Consequently, constitutional environmental rights are meta-rights that can induce legislation and regulation, and/or give rights holders the ability to bring legal action (Boyd, 2011).
However, legislative power could also establish these constraints with political decision-makers. But rights granted by statutory law only constrain policymakers as defined by law, and these rights can be modified or removed by majorities, even transitional ones (Jeffords & Minkler, 2016). By contrast, constitutional rights that are legally enforceable are often broader and protected even against majorities by the judiciary and constitutional courts (Osiatynski, 2007). As constitutions are difficult to change, they represent what is most permanently important for a country. Researchers such as Buchanan (2003), (North and Weingast (1989) and Persson and Tabellini (2003) initiated the argument that constitutions are important because they establish rules that constrain political decision-makers. Politicians are not simply passive executors of their constituents' interests; on the contrary, like everyone else, they have their own utility functions. So, even if politicians really did prefer to devote time and resources to environmental policymaking over the course of a mandate, constitutional environmental rules would constrain them should their preferences diverge over time.
The question of whether constitutional environmental protection (CEP) promotes environmental quality or contributes to mitigating environmental degradation has been little debated in the economic literature. The first economic reflections are essentially based on countries determinants of constitutional environmental protection. In this literature, constitutional environmental protection (CEP) is shaped by political institutions favoring redistribution (Congleton, 1992; McGuire & Olson, 1996; Neumayer, 2002; Spilker, 2013) and by a society whose intertemporal preferences are future-oriented (Gupta & McIver, 2016; Imhof et al., 2016). Jeffords and Minkler (2016) analyze the role of the constitution on the achievement of environmental performance and conclude that amending the constitution to insert environmental provisions is important to mitigate the degradation of environmental quality. These authors also point out that, the more recent the constitution, the more likely it is to contain an environmental provision, while at the same time strengthening the institutional framework for combating climate change. In a descriptive approach, Boyd (2011) finds that constitutional environmental rights have had a positive effect on the filing and adjudication of environmental lawsuits in 78 of the 92 countries in his sample.
However, there is a paucity of empirical studies on potential effect of constitutional environmental protection on quality of environment. This paper fills this gap in the literature, by assessing the impact of constitutional environmental protection on quality of environment. It does this by relying on entropy balancing, an impact analysis method developed by Hainmueller (2012). Using a sample of 119 countries of both developed and developing countries over the period 1990–2020. We show that constitutional environmental protection adoption decreases carbon dioxide emissions in CEP countries relative to non-CEP countries. This result is robust to several robustness tests. Including a using of alternative estimation methods such as propensity score matching (PSM), the Inverse Probability Treatment Weighting (IPTW), the Augmented Inverse Probability Treatment Weighting (AIPTW), panel fixed effect and the system-GMM. The findings on the heterogeneity test performs on the dynamic panel suggest that, i) constitutional environmental protection negatively affect carbon dioxide emissions only in Latin America, MENA and sub-Saharan Africa countries but not in Europe and Asia Pacific; ii) the magnitude of the effect of constitutional environmental protection (CEP) is more important in countries with French civil law system as legal origin than countries with English common law system; iii) for countries that start with high level of CO2 emissions, constitutional environmental protection (CEP) is associated with better environmental quality. Going further in analysis, we provide additional evidence that state experience in CEP increase environmental quality by reducing carbon dioxide emissions.
The rest of the paper is organized as follows. Section 2 presents the methodology. Section 3 presents the data and descriptive statistics. The results are presented in Section 4, followed by a robustness analysis in Section 5. Section 6 concludes.