Around the world, populations are ageing in both developed countries and developing countries in recent decades. Figure 1 shows the change in the population age structure in China. Population ageing has profound effects on the social security system, labor force and economic growth. An ageing population combined with fixed statutory retirement age manifests a shrinking and ageing labor force, which would negatively affect the economic growth. Many developed countries have been experiencing social security program reform to cope with population ageing. Similar reform in terms of raising the statutory retirement age has been proposed in China since 2012, but the uncertainty in the consequences of the reform has brought the reform in a halt. There is an extensive literature on the determinants of retirement intentions and realization in the context of developed countries, but studies of causal effects in the context of China is scarce (See Blundell et al., 2016 for a review).
Data source: China Statistical Yearbook 1991–2021.
In the meanwhile, fertility rate is declining fast in China, even though the family planning policy has been relaxed since 2014. In the recent three years, the fertility rate in China is stable at 1.7 births per women, below the replacement level and well below the fertility rate in the 1980s when the one-child policy was introduced.
Family and work are two important aspects in an adult’s life. And the linkage between fertility and labor supply has important policy implications. Previous literature on the effect of fertility on labor market outcomes, in general, find a negative effect for female – motherhood penalty, and a positive effect for male – breadwinner bonus (Angrist and Evans, 1996; Bedi, et al., 2022; Bergemann and Riphahn, 2023; Budig and England, 2001; Cao, 2019; Cooke and Fuller, 2018; Dankmeyer, 1996; Glauber, 2018; Guo, et al., 2018; He and Zhu, 2016; Jacobsen, 1999; Lundberg and Rose, 2000; Mari, 2019; Meng, et al., 2023; Takaku, 2019; Wang, 2023; Wu, 2022). But these studies focus on the effects for adults of childbearing age. Whether there is a long-lasting effect of fertility on elderly’s labor supply is the focus of this study.
The novel contributions of this paper are as follows. First, it quantifies the effect of fertility on the elderly’s labor supply in a developing country, and examines the effects on both the extensive margin and the intensive margin of labor supply. Previous studies mostly focus on the determinants of retirement, i.e., the extensive margin of elderly’s labor supply; however, the intensive margin of labor supply is underexplored (Haider and Loughram, 2011; Rao and Zhang, 2024; Sewdas, et al., 2017). Moreover, using rich data from the 2018 wave of the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS), I find some results that are different from the findings in studies based on data from developed countries.
Second, to address the potential endogeneity issue related to fertility, I use the gender of the first-born child as an instrument for fertility, given the son preference social norm in China. The results show that having more children decreases the elderly’s labor supply, especially for the disadvantaged elderly, including females, those living in rural regions and those with low levels of educational attainment. The findings are quite different from the findings in Hank and Korbmacher (2013) who find that having more children is associated with later retirement among men and later retirement among women of pre-1940 birth cohort in Europe. And the heterogenous effects have important policy implications.
Third, potential mechanisms of the negative effect of fertility on the elderly’s labor supply are explored. I rule out co-residence with adult children and providing care to grandchildren as potential channels. The increase in the net transfer from children as the number of children increases can be a plausible explanation for the negative effect. This result is partially in line with the findings in Oliveira (2016), Chen and Fang (2021) and Rao and Zhang (2024): Oliveira (2016) and Rao and Zhang (2024) find that having more children is associated with more transfer and more informal care from children and higher likelihood of co-residing with an adult child in China, while Chen and Fang (2021) find that fewer children due to China’s “Later, Longer, Fewer” (LLF) campaign is not associated with fewer coresiding children or less intergenerational transfer from children. A possible reason for the discrepancy in the findings could be that we estimate different local average treatment effects as we employ different instrumental variables for fertility. Oliveira (2016) uses first-born twins as an instrument for fertility. Chen and Fang (2021) and Rao and Zhang (2024)’s findings reflect the consequences of China’s LLF campaign in the early 1970s which prevented high-order births.
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. Section 2 reviews the relevant literature. Section 3 discusses the conceptual framework and the empirical methodology. Section 4 describes the data and variables. Section 5 presents the results, and Section 6 concludes.