Person-centredness has become the byword for quality across health and long-term care systems worldwide (WHO, 2007, 2015). Whilst literature on person-centred care is diverse and confounded by the use of varied prefixes to ‘centredness’ (e.g. person, patient, client, people, family – see (Naldemirci et al., 2018), there is central agreement about its foundational nature. All variants share a common humanist philosophy, tracing a common ancestral root to Rogerian psychology (Rogers, 1949), and taking a holistic view of the person, beyond any presenting concern or ‘need’ (McCormack & McCance, 2006). Each also shares concern about positivist, medicalised and impersonal models of long-term care, described as “too uniform; too analytical; too theoretical; too negative; and too directive” (Leplege et al., 2007). The concept further challenges the assumption that disease, disability and frailty are simply coterminous with ‘illness’, highlighting the unpredictable relationships between levels of functioning and cognitive impairment with life satisfaction (Albrecht & Devlieger, 1999; Wilberforce et al., 2017).
Despite being a defining attribute of many care quality frameworks (NICE, 2012), person-centred care is fraught with conceptual and practical challenges (Dewing, 2004; Leplege et al., 2007; McCormack et al., 2010; Naldemirci et al., 2018). For some, it is equated more generally with ‘just giving people what they want’ (Epstein & Street, 2011). Elsewhere, the concept has been selectively interpreted as being about executing personal choices and self-determination in care, and used to describe systems and processes that endow greater autonomy and independence to the end-user (Nolan et al., 2004). More generally, an academic tradition has spawned from multiple competing frameworks seeking to define person-centredness, with “a great deal of ink” being spilt in a “crowded conceptual space” (Mitchell, Cribb & Entwhistle 2022; p3)
Conceptual confusion can be observed in the policy arena, particularly in the home and community support of older people in England. Notions of person-centred care have become intertwined with national policies inspired by the Independent Living Movement and the activist voices of younger disabled adults seeking greater control over the resources and arrangements of community social care. For example, using the language of person-centredness, older people living at home needing care services, as well as working-age disabled people, may receive state-funded care budgets (directly in their bank account, or held on their behalf) to control and manage as an individual ‘commissioner’ of support (Social Care Institute for Excellence, 2012). Although perhaps giving direct action to the idea of ‘control’, these arrangements have been found to be detrimental to the wellbeing of older people (Netten et al., 2012; Woolham et al., 2016; Woolham & Benton, 2013), suggesting that different interpretations of person-centredness have tangible consequences for client outcomes.
For older people receiving support in the community, Kitwoodian models of person-centred care are perhaps more useful, in that they give primacy to preserving and promoting personhood in the context of social relationships and the experience of dementia (Kitwood, 1997). Such approaches place a value on supporting care relationships, and seek to attain a deep understanding of a person’s perspectives and interpretations during care encounters (Brooker, 2003). Although such models are widespread (Røsvik et al., 2011), they were developed just in relation to dementia care, predominantly for those with advanced stages of cognitive impairment and resident in care homes and institutional settings. For older people living in the community, how applicable this approach would be in promoting care quality is unclear.
For researchers, policy-makers and practitioners seeking to understand quality in community care, these uncertainties cause real dilemmas. This is particularly the case with respect to how the quality of person-centred care can be measured (National Voices, 2018). There are significant doubts that instruments designed to evaluate person-centredness in working-age services will adequately capture the themes of importance to older people. Yet measures designed for older people’s services tend to be specific to only dementia, and often based on resource-intensive observations (Edvardsson & Innes, 2010). There is also evidence of a focus towards institutional settings, with questions relating to the quality of the care environment, unsuited to domiciliary support. Indeed, a systematic review of measures designed for self-completion found just one used in community settings, which itself had not satisfied psychometric tests (Wilberforce et al., 2016). Against this background a new measurement instrument was designed to evaluation person-centredness for older people with care needs in community-based settings.
Development of the Person-Centred Community Care Inventory (PERCCI)
The PERCCI is a self-administered questionnaire designed through a participatory process involving older service users living in the community and receiving a blend of mental health and social care services (Wilberforce et al., 2018). It was developed through a three stage process. First, a literature review-based concept synthesis(Wilberforce et al., 2017) thematised expositions of person-centred care as it applied to community social care. Twelve attributes of person-centredness were organised within three overarching themes: (i) understanding the person; (ii) engagement in decision-making; and (iii) promoting care relationships. Second, concept mapping methodology(Rosas & Ridings, 2016) engaged 22 older people using community services to identify 67 statements which people used to describe good (and bad) care experiences (Wilberforce et al., 2016). These statements were mapped to the 3 themes of person-centredness (or else classified as outside the scope of the study where they did not correspond). Third, the statements were reformulated as questionnaire items, and cognitively tested through qualitative methods, with 22 central items spanning the conceptual framework being administered with an achieved postal sample of nearly 600 older people using long-term services (outlined below).
To date, only ‘classical’ psychometric analysis has been undertaken, detailed in Wilberforce et al., (2018). Factor analysis identified that items could be best organised in two scales: those questions relating to person-centredness exhibited by care workers; and person-centredness exhibited by the organisation of care. Using a bifactor model, it was established that a single unidimensional structure could be justified on the basis of sufficient shared variance between the two primary factors. The final scale, reduced to 18 items, had excellent test-retest reliability, and hypothesis tests formed a priori were supported by the instrument, indicating encouraging evidence of validity.
However, there are well-established concerns with classical psychometric testing (Pallant & Tennant 2007). Scales drawn from a simple ‘raw scores’ using short-ordinal response formats are assumed to have properties of interval-level data, but this demands very strong assumptions. For example, it requires that every item in the instrument, and every interval in the Likert-type response categories, each conveys equal and identical information. A further assumption is that all items are parallel, independent, measures; that is, the scores provided by any two items should not be related to each other except through the phenomenon being measured. Yet, in practice, the pursuit of high internal reliability statistics in classical testing encourages ‘local dependency’, resulting in artificially-inflated estimates of precision (Ip, 2001). A further concern is the suitability of analytical procedures using distribution-based statistics when assumptions are not met. Even calculations of simple means and associated hypothesis tests could be compromised. But perhaps the strongest critique of classical testing is that it proves perilously difficult to empirically evaluate these strong assumptions (Hobart et al., 2007).
Rasch analysis provides an alternative framework with the primary goal of ensuring that assertions about interval-level measurement are valid (Rasch, 1960). Developed in education sciences, the approach is based on identifying hierarchical patterns across items akin to a probabilistic form of a Guttman scale. That is, the likelihood of a respondent affirming any particular item is linked to the level or strength of the attribute the item represents, with items being ranked and positioned accordingly on the continuum of measurement. Under testable assumptions, researchers and practitioners using scales that satisfy Rasch criteria can be confident that measurement is at the interval-level (Pallant & Tennant 2007). Furthermore, the Rasch paradigm’s careful attention to the performance of individual items, and diagnostic indicators that are well-suited to identifying rectifiable problems with individual items, the Rasch paradigm is well-suited to formative evaluation early in the development of new instruments. A further strength is in reducing scales to an efficient form, by highlighting how each item performs and adds information at different places along the latent continuum.
Consequently, this study aimed to form a Rasch version of the Person-Centred Community Care Inventory (PERCCI) and report its psychometric properties.