To our knowledge, work on the natural resource curse and its association with productive capacities does not exist. However, several studies have been conducted to examine the relationship between natural resources and economic development. Recent studies have also shown that economies rich in natural resources (NR) are often less developed than those without them. The following analyzes provide more information on the scale of the phenomenon (Sachs and Warner, 1995; Asif et al., 2020; Khan et al., 2020). The question of the influence of the ownership of natural resources on economic growth has concerned some researchers who have made it a priority area of study. However, reading theoretical and empirical work on this subject reveals certain inconsistencies. Indeed, two hypotheses are opposed: the orthodox or optimistic hypothesis and the heterodox or pessimistic hypothesis.
2.1. Theoretical proof
According to proponents of orthodox or optimistic thinking, the ownership of natural resources has a favorable impact on economic growth. To support their point of view, they put forward both microeconomic and macroeconomic considerations.
According to microeconomic reasoning, the positive impact of natural resource ownership on economic growth can be quantified in terms of costs and benefits. Indeed, the exploitation of these resources will only be profitable if their prices on world markets exceed the marginal costs of extraction and transport, allowing these countries to obtain foreign exchange through exports, which generally have a positive impact on the country's economic growth.
Regarding the macroeconomic reasoning put forward by Smith (1776), Ricardo (1817) and other economists in the theory of international specialization, the difference in growth in developing countries can be explained by the existence or absence of natural resources. According to the latter, the presence or abundance of natural resources in a country can provide it with comparative advantages and encourage it to specialize either in their production or in their manufacturing, the latter serving as intermediate consumption. As a result, specialization will increase production while allowing economies of scale and boosting economic growth. Using the general equilibrium model, neoclassical economists such as Hecksher (1919), Ohlin (1933) and Samuelson (1953) move in the same direction, but with an emphasis on capital and arriving at a new model, the HOS model. The theoretical analyzes of Posner (1961) and Vernon (1966) go in the same direction, but with much more emphasis on innovation, that is to say the discovery of a new product or a new natural resource.
Contrary to conventional wisdom, the current heterodox view is that the possession of natural resources is a curse, implying that it has a negative impact on economic growth. It is made up of contributions from several economists, including Sachs and Warner (1995, 1999), Auty (2004), Paulo and Gary (2010) and Sala and Subramanian (2013). According to the latter, the negative link is explained by several socio-economic and environmental consequences of the extraction of primary resources, in particular: the contraction of economic activity in other sectors, the appreciation of the currency, conflicts, degradation of the ecosystem, etc.
Regarding the contraction of economic activities in other sectors caused by the discovery and exploitation of a new natural resource, she explains it by a movement of the workforce towards a more productive and better sector paid. This phenomenon is known as “Dutch disease”. Indeed, an increase in the wages of specific economic actors leads to an increase in demand and an increase in the general price level. In this case, the competitiveness of domestic products would suffer, as would exports and economic growth.
Robinson et al. (2006) focus on the political economy framework, and show how political incentives are essential for understanding the effect of resources on growth. However, Bulte et al. (2005) show that the abundance of natural resources promotes economic growth which they explain by the windfall flow (this flow has a direct and indirect effect, namely direct on the economy and indirect through the improvement of institutional quality) of revenues from resource extraction. Speaking of the curse in the literature, in Angola and Liberia there was the discovery of the diamond and this discovery rather caused conflicts instead of generating a healthy environment in terms of improving growth (Olsson, 2007; Le Billion, 2008). Similarly, the discovery of oil in Norway was a major blessing, but in Nigeria and Equatorial Guinea the discovery of oil was a source of curse and it has different effects in each country (Larsen, 2004; same, 2008; Sala and Subramanian, 2013). The Democratic Republic of Congo, for its part, although it is strongly endowed with sufficient natural resources, it has experienced conflicts and a deterioration in growth and standards of living (Lalji, 2007).
2.2. Empirical Evidence
In this section, we briefly explore the extensive literature on the relationship between natural resources and economic growth.
Ekodo and Ndam (2019) assessed the effects of income from the exploitation of natural resources, particularly oil, on economic growth in the CEMAC region over the period 1996-2016 and found, based on the GMM method, that these incomes have a positive impact on economic growth in this region.
Sachs and Warner (1995) test the effect of natural resources on long-term economic growth and find that resource-rich countries grow more slowly than resource-poor 4countries. The literature published after Sachs and Warner (1995) mainly studies the different transmission mechanisms of how natural resources affect growth, determining whether the natural resource curse can be avoided by improving the quality of institutions, or whether the existence of the natural resource curse depends on the means of measurement and the type of natural resources.
Several other studies analyze the importance of institutional quality and find that the natural resource curse can be avoided if institutional quality is good enough ( Isham et al., 2005 ; Mehlum et al., 2006 ; Arezki and Ploeg , 2007 ; Boschini et al., 2007; Horvath and Zeynalov , 2014). Brunnschweiler and Bulte (2008) distinguish between resource dependence (the degree to which nations rely on exports of natural resources) and resource abundance (a measure of resource wealth) and, unlike Much previous research treats institutions as endogenous. Although they are unable to establish a relationship between resource dependence and growth, they demonstrate that resource wealth is associated with better institutions and higher growth. Therefore, their findings do not support the existence of the natural resource curse.
According to Sala and Subramanian (2013), new oil discoveries tend to generate an appreciation of the real exchange rate while harming other export sectors of the economy. Gylfason and Zoega (2006) study another path and find that natural resource wealth crowds out human and physical capital, leading to slower growth in the long run. Another body of research studies the influence of natural resources on factors other than economic growth. Natural resource wealth can reinforce corruption, increase political instability and the risk of war, and hinder the functioning of democratic institutions (Barro, 1999; Ades and Tella, 1999; Ross, 2001; Jensen and Wantchekon, 2004; Collier and Hoeffler, 2005;
Lederman and Maloney (2003) estimate both cross-sectional and panel regressions and find that the results differ. Panel regressions show that natural resources have a significantly favorable influence on economic growth, but cross-sectional regressions show a negative but negligible effect. Ades and Tella (1999) analyze both cross-sectional and panel data and conclude that by using panel data, the influence of natural resources on economic growth becomes minimal.
The work of Sachs and Warner (1995; 1999) uses a large panel of countries to study the effect of natural resources and it is measured by the share of exports of primary products on GDP. Negative result of the effect of natural resources on growth. Likewise, Gylfason et al., (1999) and Auty (2001), using different variables and specifications, obtained the same result of the negative effect. Thus, obtaining negative results demonstrates what is commonly called the resource curse.
For Wantchekon (2002), using 141 countries over the period 1950-1990, demonstrates that an increase of 1% in the share of primary exports in GDP increases by 8% the probability that a government exercises authoritarian power.
On the other hand, the work of Mavrotas et al. (2011) on 56 developing countries during the period 1970-2000, find that natural resources positively affect growth when the country has a good level of governance and democracy. It is therefore recognized that wealth from natural resources affects the type of regime in place.
Brunnschweiler (2008) using OLS and DMC, finds that natural resources have a positive and direct relationship with the economic growth of a country. Supporting previous studies, Herb (2005), Boyce and Emery (2005) also suggested that natural resources increase GDP per capita and other factors of economic growth.