The profile of the women who participated in different rounds of NFHS surveys is presented in additional file 1, showing a substantial improvement in the educational status of women 15-49 years over the last 3 decades. At the national level, the mean years of education increased by 4.7 years (from 3.0 years in 1992-93 to 7.7 years in 2019-21), whereas it was an increase of 5.4 years in UP (1.7 years in 1992-93 to 7.1 years in 2019-21). While the composition of sampled women remained the same by religion (~80% Hindu in India and UP), there was a slight increase in the proportion of urban population over the period (22.7% to 26.7% in India and 17.0% to 20.5% in UP). A significant shift was also observed in parity wherein the proportion of women with 4 plus parity reduced to 12.0% (2019-21) from 31.1% in (1992-93) in India and to 18.6% from 41.1% in UP, respectively.
Figure 1 depicts the trends in coverage of the two outcomes from 1992-93 to 2019-21 for the 36 States and Union Territories of India and shows a varying level of inequality in the outcome coverage as well as changes over a period of time. For example, any ANC for India was 62.5% (range: 31.6%-97.3%) in 1992-93 which moved to 93.9% (range: 72.7%-100.0%) in 2019-21, whereas, FD was 25.5% (range- 6.1% - 87.8%) in 1992-93, which has moved up to 88.6% (range – 45.7% - 99.8%) in 2019-21. With the improvement in ANC and FD across the states, the coverage inequality showed higher reduction over the period in ANC compared to FD. The inequality measured through Mean Difference from Mean (MDM) reduced from 18.2 to 4.0 in ANC and 15.8 to 8.4 in FD during 1992-93 to 2019-21. The subsequent analysis focused on UP to understand inequality patterns using the UP-specific granular data available up to the lowest level (i.e. ASHA area) so as to guide programs to target and reach those who are left behind.
[Figure 1 about here]
Figure 2 presents state-level trends in coverage of outcome measures in UP by education (<5 years vs 10+ years) and slope index of inequality (SII). In UP, both ANC and FD coverage followed a general pattern of socio-economic inequalities consistent with the inverse equity hypothesis. In 1992-93, any ANC coverage was only 37.8% among women with low education (<5 years), which improved to 91.2% in almost 3 decades whereas ANC coverage among educated women was 90.9% in 1992-93 (Figure 2a) and remained at a high level thereafter. Similarly, the FD coverage was much higher among educated women during 1992-93 (63.5%) which was only achieved by the less educated women somewhat between 2015-16 to 2019-21, i.e., around 25 years later than the better educated group. The SII for both the indicators by education (any ANC: 9.3 and FD: 29.9 pp) in NFHS-5 indicates that education-related inequalities still persist in 2019-21, although they witnessed a substantial reduction since 1992-93 as SII was 65.3 for any ANC and 44.7 for facility delivery (Figure 2b).
[Figure 2a, 2b about here]
These findings indicate that there was high coverage with low inequality for any ANC, while despite achieving higher coverage, facility delivery showed persisting moderate inequality between low and better-educated women. Considering that access to ANC and delivery care was almost universal among better-educated women, the persisting inequalities are reflection of the fact that still a proportion of women with less education were not reached. To find them, analysis was done at the district level to identify whether some districts contribute more to persisting inequality than others. Figure 3a and 3b shows coverage in any ANC among the 75 districts in UP by education between NFHS-4 (2015-16) and NFHS-5 (2019-21). The ANC coverage of >80% improved from 42 districts in 2015-16 to all the districts in 2019-21, whereas the FD coverage of >80% increased from 11 districts to 59 districts in NFHS-4 and 5. Results also show that progress in the levels of inequalities differed at the district level for ANC and facility delivery. For instance, the largest differences in ANC coverage between more and less educated women (10+ years vs <5 years) within a district were 43.0 and 23.2 percentage points (pp) in NFHS-4 and 5, respectively. This was 46.3 pp and 33.2 pp for FD. In the NFHS-4, 56 districts for ANC and 62 districts for FD had more than 10 pp difference between more and less educated women which reduced to just 6 districts for ANC and 47 districts for FD in NFHS-5. The same is also visible in the inequality pattern index (Additional file 4) wherein, between NFHS-4 and NFHS-5, many districts moved towards bottom inequality from top inequality for any ANC while a relatively fewer districts for FD.
[Figure 3a, 3b about here]
To achieve the goal of ‘LNOB’, it is important that the program continue to focus on the districts that continue to show higher inequality and understand the socio-economic and programmatic determinants that cause such inequalities. While for FD, programs may still need to address district-level inequality, the approach needs to be different for ANC. Also, if the coverage is consistently high at the district-level and with low inequality as in the case of ANC, it will be important to identify the inequalities at the next level, blocks in this case, and identify if any population group is missing out or any geography has lower program reach. Figure 4 shows trends in outcomes by education across 20 common blocks of HPDs in the CBTS study in UP and depicted a pattern opposite to that observed for state and districts, i.e., a few blocks with high coverage and low inequality while others with low/moderate coverage and high inequality in 2018. Even for the high coverage indicator, like any ANC at the district level, the block level any ANC coverage varied from a low of 20% to 90% among less educated women (<5 years of education) and women with 10+ years of education in 2014-15, respectively, and from 58% and 98% among the women with same two groups of education, respectively, in 2018. The inequality pattern also showed a substantial reduction in education-related inequality within the block, with some of the blocks moving towards universal ANC coverage. Block-level heterogeneity was higher than for districts to which these blocks belonged to indicating the need for context specific intervention to reduce inequality at the block-level.
[Figure 4 about here]
Inequalities in FD showed persistence at the block level. While some blocks showed higher reduction in education-related inequality in FD coverage by education (Milak, Amariya, Nagar, Rudauli), many blocks continued to witness moderate to low reductions in inequality. In this case, the program has to concentrate on these blocks to improve the FDs. The inequality pattern index (Additional file 5) also shows that blocks have moved from top to bottom inequality for any ANC, whereas in the case of facility delivery, a few blocks continued to show the top inequality while only two blocks moving towards linear inequality over time.
In those blocks that have achieved high coverage, low inequality status, to further identify who are left behind, analysis was done to understand the ASHA area-level inequality. Since the number of women with less and more education was not so evenly distributed due to a smaller sample size, the analysis focused on assessing the geographic inequality at the ASHA areas levels across the coverage of both the outcomes within the blocks. Figure 5 denotes the distribution of ASHA areas by coverage outcomes (5a-5b). Results show that within the same block, the inequality varied for the indicators by ASHA area, especially with high coverage. For instance, in very high ANC coverage blocks like Milak, Belhar Kala and Bisalpur in 2018, while more than 80% ASHA areas had all the women received ANC, the remaining 20% ASHA areas had women who were left out. However, for the same blocks in 2018, the FD education-related inequality was higher compared to any ANC, and as a result, there were 40-60% of ASHA areas that had left out women who didn’t deliver at facility. In contrast, for both ANC and FD, the block which did not attain high coverage at the block level, only a few ASHA areas (~30%), had 100% ANC or FD coverage. This means, if the outcome coverage is high in certain blocks, program need to identify those ASHA areas and individuals within the ASHA area who are not able to access service to ensure no one ‘left behind’.
[Figure 5a, 5b about here]