This study investigated health inequalities among young people by using data from the 2001, 2011, and 2021 UK censuses. Two significant findings stand out. First, we observed similar patterns of health status across three datasets collected ten years apart. The findings confirm the graded relationship between the NS-SEC of the HRP and the health status of young people; the prevalence of poor health increased as the employment conditions of the HRP worsened. This relationship did not change significantly after the effects of age, gender, household deprivation, and the UK region were controlled for. Importantly, the patterning of health by SEP was similar despite the lack of direct comparability of the data across the three censuses due to changes in general health questions and the basis of the NS-SEC measure. Second, the share of young people with bad health was strikingly greater in households where the reference person had never worked, was long-term unemployed, or whose job was not classifiable in 2001. Moreover, their levels were significantly greater than those of all other NS-SEC groups, including young people from households where the HRP was classified as having semi-routine or routine occupation.
These findings are in line with existing evidence on higher levels of poor SRH among young people with less advantaged SEP [3, 19–22, 24, 34, 35, 50, 72]. Socioeconomic inequalities in health can arise through different pathways [5, 73–75]. This study utilised the NS-SEC of the HRP as an indicator of SEP. This measure represents the combination of occupational groups and statuses that share similar employment relations [17, 45]. Additionally, employment provides both financial and non-financial resources that are linked to health outcomes [17, 43]. Therefore, our findings should be interpreted as mostly in line with the materialist model that focuses on aspects such as employment status or housing conditions in explaining health inequalities. Within this framework, inequalities are thought to arise due to differences in access to health-supporting resources and better control over the physical home environment [5, 48, 73, 74]. This hypothesis also supports our findings that young people from households who are deprived in the educational or housing dimension experience higher levels of poor health than their nondeprived peers.
Indeed, occupational position comprises factors such as human capital, income, access to health-supporting resources, and employment relations; therefore, it can be seen as a reflection of a person’s place in society that conditions people’s life chances and patterns of action [17, 43–45]. Reuter et al. [76] showed that health inequalities can be observed among 15–24-year-olds due to stratified working hazards comprising job demands and company characteristics. Additionally, existing evidence shows that young people who live in households that are deprived in the level of education [18, 19, 22, 36] or housing [36] report higher levels of poor health. Educational attainment and housing are frequently used as proxies for social position, with education being associated with knowledge-related assets and factors such as cultural capital, health behaviours, or material resources [18, 19, 34, 36, 43, 77]. A higher educational level of mothers has been found to have a protective effect on health in unemployed families [72]. Housing deprivation measures mostly material aspects of SE position, with factors such as housing tenure or dwelling characteristics being associated with health status [36, 43, 48, 78, 79].
Another point of discussion is that we are utilising the SEP of the HRP and not that of the young people themselves. However, the family is a traditional unit of analysis in sociology because of the shared resources and decision-making processes, and therefore, it is believed that family members share the same class ‘fate’ [45, 47]. For example, research by Sleskova et al. [80] showed that parental unemployment affects adolescents’ health, and research on young people’s perceptions of health has demonstrated that factors such as competing priorities, poor housing, or lack of time impact families' ability to make healthy choices [81–83]. Given the complexity of factors that are associated with a person’s employment conditions and relations, we would also like to draw upon behavioural and cultural explanations of health inequalities [3, 48, 74, 75, 84] and on a psychosocial model that focuses on factors such as relationships and emotions [48, 74, 75]. The former emphasises behaviours and the influence of community, while the latter discusses how perceived inequalities can lead to chronic stress, which can cause illnesses through neuroendocrine pathways [48, 74, 75, 85]. Therefore, we can argue that our findings support the role of material, psychosocial and behavioural pathways in explaining health inequalities among young people, as they are situated in different socioeconomic environments that shape their opportunities and behaviours.
Regarding covariates, the results of this study confirm the existing knowledge on the relationships between health status and age, gender, and deprivation. Our results also support the evidence of higher rates of self-reported poor health among girls and as young people grow older [48, 86–89]. The share of respondents who reported fair or bad health was greater among older age groups [13, 35, 72, 88] and among girls than among boys [13, 35, 72, 87–89].
Methodological considerations
The comparability of the 2001, 2011, and 2021 results is impacted by changes in the general health question and the basis of the NS-SEC classification. The general health question was changed to improve the comparability with other EU member states and provide a stronger indicator of functional health status after the 2001 census [61]. Analysis of the effects of the question change showed that the proportion of respondents who will be classified as having poor health is likely to increase [61]. Compared to 2001 data, we observed a higher share of respondents who were categorised as having poor health. This increase can be attributed to the number of respondents who reported ‘fair’ health. The NS-SEC measure was developed from the Goldthorpe Schema and has been used in official statistics since 2001 [62]. The 2001 census used occupation codes as defined by the SOC2000 while the 2011 census used codes defined by SOC2010 [90]. The 2021 Census was rebased on the 2020 Standard Occupational Classification [62]; therefore, results are not directly comparable across the years. Despite these methodological challenges, the observed social gradients in SRH were similar across the three datasets. Importantly, random samples from the censuses enabled us to complete this study; this also implies that any differences from the whole census are due to chance.
Strengths and weaknesses
The major strength of this study is the inclusion of different population groups regardless of their labour market participation. We utilised a single self-reported general health question to measure health. Occupation-based classifications often exclude unemployed people, which is thought to result in underestimation of SE differences in health [17, 20]. The limitation of the study is the cross-sectional design, which does not allow for causal inferences. Additionally, we excluded Northern Ireland because of the incompatibility of deprivation measures. For the 2021 Census, only data from England and Wales are available.