The present study found a 12.2% prevalence of CCU among married women in Kenya. The prevalence was high among older, uneducated, poorest, and rural women, and among women who neither had children nor desired for more children. The commonest methods of contraceptives used covertly were injectables and implants. Education levels, wealth, county of residence, rural residence, parity and age at sexual debut were associated with CCU.
The prevalence of CCU in SSA ranges from 2.6–20.2% [15]. In our study, about one in ten women used contraceptives covertly, which signified an increase in the prevalence of CCU from 9% in 2008 [15]. Our prevalence was higher than in Ethiopia (8.7%) [27] but lower than in Uganda (22.1%) [23] and Ghana (53%) [28]. However, the study in Ghana included both married and unmarried women using contraceptives [28]. The practice of CCU could be due to societal perception of women using contraceptive as being promiscuous [6, 14, 28, 29], patriarchy [9, 29], fear of intimate partner violence [13, 30, 31], disagreement on the number of children [29], religious beliefs [14] and limited male involvement [6, 32]. CCU could reflect women empowerment and autonomy in decision making [31] but could also indicate male dominance in decision making and create a barrier to increasing contraceptive coverage [9].
Similar to previous studies in Ethiopia [27], Ghana [28], Kenya [1, 15] and Nigeria [5], injectables and implants were the commonest methods of contraceptives used overtly and covertly by married women. Injectables and implants are easy-to-use, effective, concealable [31], modern reversible contraceptives lasting three months, and three or five years, respectively [3]. Injectables are also widely available and accessible in most health facilities and pharmacies hence promote CCU [31].
Women empowerment is associated with modern contraceptive use [11]. Autonomy and decision-making give women control over their body and reduce potential resistance against contraceptive use from their partners [15, 33, 34]. Improved autonomy and independence in decision making may increase partner involvement in FP but may also promote independent use of contraceptive and lack of partner involvement hence increasing the likelihood of CCU [15, 33–35].
High education and wealth improve women autonomy and decision making increasing the likelihood of use of modern contraceptive [22, 35, 36]. In our study, low levels of education and wealth were associated with increased odds of CCU, which confirms previous findings in SSA [15, 21]. The prevalence of CCU among the poorest women was thrice that of the richest women. We also found that an increase in age at sexual debut is associated with reduced odds of CCU indicating that women who delay their sexual debut have a high likelihood to use contraceptives with their partner’s knowledge. This could be attributed to higher levels of education and income which increases their autonomy and decision making [35]. Girls’ education delays early marriages, reduces the age at sexual debut and improves girls’ and women’s self-esteem [37], which is likely to improve communication with their partners.
Married women with children are more likely to be involved in decision making about the desired number of children and birth spacing [23, 35] hence the reduced odds of CCU among women with two or more children compared to those with none. This is consistent with a study in Ghana where women with no children were more likely to use contraceptives covertly compared to those with children [28]. We also found that women in rural areas were more likely to practice CCU compared to those in urban areas, though not statistically significant. Married urban women are more involved in decision making on children and FP due to their high level of knowledge on contraceptive and gender-equitable attitude [38]. On the contrary, we found that women from the rural counties of Kitui, Nyamira, West Pokot, Kilifi, Bungoma and Nandi were less likely to use contraceptives covertly compared to women in urban cosmopolitan Nairobi county. The reason for this is not clear but it may be due to perceived male dominance, cultural practices and reduced women autonomy.
Our study is one of the first to explore the practice of CCU in Kenya. We used nationally representative cross-sectional data from 11 out of the 47 counties of Kenya, which makes our finding generalisable to the country. However, based on the nature of the data we could not infer causation. Also, some key determinants of CCU such as duration of the marriage, years of schooling, decision making and exposure to media were not collected. The study also focuses on women-in-a-union and excludes women not-in-a-union who we could ascertain whether they had a partner(s) hence we may have underestimated the prevalence of CCU.