Participant description
The study included 56 participants across four categories: 29% were household decision-makers, 29% were community influencers, 27% were mothers or expectant mothers, and 15% were PHC service providers. See Table 2.
Table 2
Sample breakdown of respondents in Gombe State, Nigeria (n = 56)
Participant Category | Description | Number |
PHC Service Providers | Personnel who delivered or supported service delivery for maternal services at PHCs | 9 |
Household Decision Makers | Husbands, mothers-in-law, and fathers-in-law with significant influence over the health decision-making of mothers and expectant mothers in their homes. | 16 |
Mothers and Expectant Mothers | Women with adolescent children and pregnant women. | 15 |
Community Influencers | Traditional leaders who understand the cultural and social dynamics of their community and influence healthcare-seeking behaviour. | 16 |
Most mothers and expectant mothers interviewed were from Yamaltu Deba LGA (53%). The women interviewed were predominantly aged 26 to 30 years (40%), with most having secondary education (33%) as their highest level of education. Most of the mothers and expectant mothers were either unemployed (40%) or engaged in petty trading (40%). All participants were married with at least one child, except for one who was widowed. Most of the respondents had 0–2 children (47%). See Table 3.
Table 3
Demographic breakdown of mothers and expectant mothers
Expectant Mothers and Mothers (n = 15) |
Characteristics | Local Government Area (LGA) | Total |
Dukku (n = 7) | Yamaltu Deba (n = 8) |
Type | Expectant mother | 4 | 4 | 8 |
Mother | 3 | 4 | 7 |
Highest education | No education | 1 | 0 | 1 |
Primary education | 2 | 0 | 2 |
Secondary education | 1 | 4 | 5 |
Islamic/Quranic education only | 3 | 1 | 4 |
Tertiary education | 0 | 2 | 2 |
Occupation | Trader | 1 | 5 | 6 |
Business owner | 1 | 1 | 2 |
Employed | 0 | 1 | 1 |
No occupation | 5 | 1 | 6 |
Age | 20–25 | 1 | 1 | 2 |
26–30 | 4 | 2 | 6 |
31–35 | 2 | 3 | 5 |
36–45 | 0 | 2 | 2 |
Marital status | Married | 7 | 7 | 14 |
Widowed | 0 | 1 | 1 |
Number of children | 0–2 | 2 | 5 | 7 |
3–5 | 3 | 0 | 3 |
6 or more | 2 | 3 | 5 |
Household decision-makers were predominantly husbands (63%), with primary education being the highest level of schooling for half of them (50%). Most of the husbands interviewed were petty traders (50%). The average age range for husbands was 38–40 years, while mother-in-laws were generally between 50–56 years old. See Table 4.
Table 4
Demographic breakdown of household decision-makers
Household decision makers (n = 16) |
Characteristics | Local Government Area (LGA) | Total |
Dukku (n = 6) | Yamaltu Deba (n = 10) |
Type | Husband | 4 | 6 | 10 |
Mother | 2 | 4 | 6 |
Highest education | No education | 2 | 1 | 3 |
Primary education | 3 | 5 | 8 |
Secondary education | 1 | 1 | 2 |
Islamic/Quranic education only | 0 | 2 | 2 |
Tertiary education | 0 | 1 | 1 |
Occupation | Trader | 3 | 5 | 8 |
Business owner | 1 | 1 | 2 |
No occupation | 2 | 4 | 6 |
Age | Average age of husband (in years) | 38 | 40 | |
Average age of mother-in-law | 50 years | 56 years | |
Community influencers included local religious leaders (6/16), traditional leaders or village heads (5/16), and community volunteers (5/16). Each community leader had completed either primary (4), secondary (4), or tertiary education (4), or the equivalent of Islamic/Quranic education (4). The average age of these community influencers was 54. See Table 5.
Table 5
Demographic breakdown of community influencers
Community Influencers (n = 16) |
Characteristics | Local Government Area (LGA) | Total |
Dukku (n = 5) | Yamaltu Deba (n = 11) |
Type | Community leader/village head | 2 | 3 | 5 |
Religious leader | 2 | 4 | 6 |
Community Volunteer | 1 | 4 | 5 |
Highest education | No education | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Primary education | 2 | 2 | 4 |
Secondary education | 1 | 3 | 4 |
Islamic/Quranic education only | 2 | 2 | 4 |
Tertiary education | 0 | 4 | 4 |
Age | Average age | 54 | 54 | |
The service providers interviewed included 5 PHC staff members (nurses, midwives, and clinicians) and 4 community volunteers known as Community Health Influencers and Promoters Service agents (CHIPS), who assist the community in accessing basic care at local PHCs. All CHIPS agents had secondary-level education, while PHC staff had tertiary-level education. The CHIPS agents had a minimum of 2 years of service experience, and PHC staff had at least 5 years of experience in primary healthcare service delivery. See Table 6.
Table 6
Demographic breakdown of service providers
Service Providers (n = 9) |
Characteristics | Local Government Area (LGA) | Total |
Dukku (n = 5) | Yamaltu Deba (n = 4) |
Type | CHIPS agents | 2 | 2 | 4 |
PHC service providers | 3 | 2 | 5 |
Highest education | Secondary | 3 | 2 | 5 |
Tertiary | 2 | 1 | 3 |
Islamic education only | 0 | 1 | 1 |
Service duration | 0–5 years | 2 | 3 | 5 |
6–10 years | 2 | 0 | 2 |
11 years or more | 1 | 1 | 2 |
The qualitative insights were categorised into supply-side and demand-side barriers to PHC maternal care uptake. Supply-side barriers are structural, influenced by the institutional level of the SEM model. Demand-side factors are rooted in individual, relational, and community levels, with the authors highlighting parallels to common psychological barriers.
Demand side-barriers
Awareness of PHC maternal care services
Most mothers were familiar with the concept of a PHC and the spectrum of services available at their local PHCs including ANC and FP. Those who knew what a PHC was, drew comparisons to "a small hospital" or identified it as a place to access ANC and child delivery services, immunisation, and treatment for malaria.
“Primary healthcare centres are where you get first healthcare before you go to bigger hospitals.” (Mother, 25, Yamaltu/Deba, Gombe State)
A majority of women and household decision-makers had basic understanding of FP and believed it was important for child spacing and reducing the risk of unwanted pregnancies, especially after birth.
"You will see a woman getting pregnant when her child is barely a year old and even lose the pregnancy at the end, so for these reasons, it [FP] is good and important." ( Mother, 45, Yamaltu/Deba, Gombe).
ANC awareness among women was more pronounced than FP awareness, with women reporting that they needed more information on FP services, particularly around long lasting contraceptives and how long injectable contraceptives last. The awareness and understanding of PHC maternal services was less prominent among women residing in the rural LGA (Dukku) compared to those in the peri-urban LGA (Yamaltu Deba).
Household decision-makers, particularly spouses, reported low levels of awareness regarding PHC maternal care services. Most were unfamiliar with the services offered and could not describe what antenatal care entails. Similar to the trends observed among mothers and expectant mothers, awareness among decision-makers was lower in the rural LGA compared to the peri-urban LGA.
"I am not sure of ANC services. I just know it's [PHC] like a small hospital for treatment of malaria, fever and blood tests." (Husband, 33, Yamaltu/Deba, Gombe).
This suggests that at the individual level (women) and relational level (household decision-makers), there are disparities in the awareness of PHC-based maternal services. These disparities in awareness could limit cohesive decision-making toward seeking maternal care.
Attitudes and beliefs toward PHC maternal care services
Despite the relatively good awareness among mothers of ANC and FP services, their attitudes toward uptake were mostly complacent, with little urgency around regular ANC. Attitudes were more curative than preventative, with infrequent ANC visits and general health-seeking at PHCs limited to emergencies like severe malaria. Few women reported giving birth at health facilities or consistently attending the recommended eight (8) ANC appointments during pregnancy. FP was seen as less of a priority than ANC and was not actively sought. Health-seeking at PHCs was often delayed until other forms of alternative care, such as self-medication through local or patent proprietary medicine vendors (PPMVs), had failed.
“Formal family planning is not a common thing in this area” (Traditional leader, 50, Dukku)
“All the women in my family gave birth at home and nothing happened to them, no ANC” (Husband, 41, Dukku)
Some women appeared to downplay the probability of experiencing maternal complications, exhibiting optimism bias regarding the necessity of preventative care like ANC. Optimism bias leads individuals to believe they are more likely to experience positive outcomes than negative ones [21]. This perception diminishes the perceived need for ANC and family planning at PHCs.
“If I feel there is any complication then I will go (for ANC) but thank God I do not think I need to” (Mother, 30, Yamaltu Deba).
The preference for curative over preventative healthcare may indicate a tendency to invest minimal effort in preventive care now, expecting to address health issues more intensively in the future if emergencies arise. This trade-off between present and future health-seeking behaviour reflects could be explained by present bias, where individuals prioritise immediate benefits over future ones [22]. In the context of our study, immediate benefits could be seen as the convenience of minimal health seeking effort in the present.
Additionally, community-held beliefs, often based on misinformation, influenced individual attitudes toward maternal health-seeking, particularly around FP. A prevalent misconception was that FP implants inserted into the vagina could disappear and destroy the womb.
"The method of FP is good, but I am scared because of the implant. Some said if inserted it won't come out and it causes bleeding, " (Expectant Mother, 27, Dukku, Gombe)
"There was this belief from our parents before we got married. They said anytime women went for ANC and were given drugs, the unborn child would grow so big in the womb of his mother, which must lead to an operation during delivery. “ (Husband, 40,Dukku, Gombe)
A few local beliefs were based on perceived religious narratives that contraceptive methods were against the will of God because it restricts the blessing of children.
“[FP] It’s not important, because God is the one who gives children and when to deliver them.” Expectant Mother, 23, Dukku, Gombe).
Household decision-making around maternal care
Although many women in the study understood the importance of ANC, more household decision-makers, compared to mothers and expectant mothers, were not fully aware of its purpose. This lack of awareness negatively impacted how maternal health-seeking was prioritised within the household. While some husbands mentioned accompanying their wives to at least one ANC visit, most only provided transportation and did not stay for the appointment or actively support regular ANC attendance, or inquire about family planning.
“I don’t really know what 'Antenatal Care Services' is... I know we used to have some women who came to this community advising our women to go for Antenatal care services.”(Husband, 50, Yamaltu/Deba, Gombe).
Alternatives to PHC-based maternal care
Community traditions and individual preferences for alternatives to PHC-based maternal care often normalised or worsened low health-seeking behaviour at PHCs. Home deliveries with traditional birth attendants (TBAs) were common, and TBAs, who are well-respected, sometimes foster scepticism about the effectiveness of formal ANC and distrust in PHC-prescribed maternal drugs and supplements. Additionally, nearly half of the women interviewed used traditional herbal methods for FP, such as herbal tinctures like pumpkin seeds.
"Traditional remedies are taken after sex then it goes in to melt the sperm so it doesn’t stay active, then another one it’s mixed with salt and kashin zomo [rabbit faeces]"(Expectant Mother, 27, Yamaltu/Deba, Gombe)
Widespread religious traditional practices were another layer to the community-level barriers to formal maternal care at a PHC. Some of the religious traditional practices included herbal remedies from Islamic medicine vendors for safe delivery or, relying on spiritual items such as beads for prevention of unwanted pregnancies and consuming liquids in which passages of the Quran to aid a healthy pregnancy.
“In my place, there is charm, or something tied on the waist which they remove whenever women want to get pregnant.”(Expectant Mother, 23, Dukku, Gombe).
“Arabic [from the Quran] written on slates, washed and given to women to drink has been used for healthy birth.” (Expectant Mother, 35, Dukku, Gombe).
"[For FP] there are local seeds of trees that they [traditional medicine vendors] mix and they also provide other Islamic medicine for women.” (Expectant Mother, 32, Yamaltu/Deba, Gombe).
Some traditional leaders acknowledged that traditional healthcare practices did hinder maternal health-seeking at a PHC. However, religion was not perceived as a significant barrier for most community members who were literate and well-informed on the importance of PHC-based care.
“For culture and traditional practices, I'll say yes. It hinders people from accessing the hospital as it promotes more of traditional medicine but religion doesn't really hinder anyone from accessing the hospital” (Community leader, 55, Dukku)
“Sometimes, people don’t believe in healthcare because of religion and illiteracy. But, with awareness we do convince religious people to seek care.” (Community leader, 62, Yamaltu Deba)
Supply-side barriers
All of the supply-side barriers were at the institutional level. These institutional-level barriers highlight the experiences of women in accessing PHC maternal services coupled with PHC service provider challenges in delivering quality maternal care.
Cost of maternal care and PHC proximity
The cost of PHC services was the most frequently cited barrier to regular ANC uptake. This cost burden included direct expenses (such as service fees and medication) and indirect costs (like transportation to and from the health facility).
“It is expensive, the amount is five hundred naira (per ANC visit) and some people don't go because of the price. They should reduce it to two hundred naira.” (Expectant Mother, 30, Dukku, Gombe).
Transportation costs were a major issue for Dukku residents due to its larger size and fewer functional PHCs (17) than Yamaltu Deba. The average distance to the nearest PHC in Dukku was greater, with the farthest being 40 to 60 minutes away by commercial motorcycle. While ANC visit fees ranged from NGN 1,000 to NGN2,000, which is relatively affordable, some respondents reported additional 'under-the-table' payments to avoid delays, causing care costs to vary. These transportation and unpredictable costs discouraged consistent health-seeking, particularly among those with lower household incomes.
Quality of care and availability of medical resources
A major institutional barrier to seeking ANC and FP services at PHCs was the poor quality of care, primarily due to limited resources and staff shortages. Despite Dukku's population of over 207,000 as of the 2006 census, there were only 17 functional PHCs, each potentially serving over 5,000 people during the implementation of this study. This strain on resources led to long wait times for ANC appointments and complaints from women about insufficient staff. Additionally, shortages of beds, essential ANC commodities like folic acid and iron supplements, and poorly maintained equipment, such as sonographic scanners, further compromised care quality.
“My experience was not encouraging, because they kept us waiting for a long time unattended, and I was very hungry by then. I promised not to go back to the hospital because they did not treat us well and did not give us anything.” (Expectant Mother, 23, Dukku, Gombe)
In Dukku LGA, concerns about healthcare worker absenteeism and limited accessibility of commodities were more pronounced. Absenteeism among maternal care providers in these areas exacerbated the pressure on already overburdened staff.
"Sometimes they don’t attend to people in time and also refer to some patients as dirty people. You sometimes feel like never visiting the PHC again.” (Expectant Mother, 35, Dukku, Gombe)
Capacity of service providers
Despite the relatively extensive professional experience of the healthcare providers interviewed, many noted that their training consisted mostly of technical skills (e.g., BP measurement, child growth tracking) and lacked soft skills like bedside manner, interpersonal skills, and patient empathy, leaving them unprepared for empathetic patient interactions.
"We could benefit from better pay, training on how to handle high-pressure scenarios, and how to deal with difficult patients. How to manage patients". (Service provider, Dukku)
“Stop shouting at patients because no one visits the PHC for fun but for medication. If not for persistent pains or ailments, some women wouldn't have gone back to the PHC again". (Expectant Mother, 35, Dukku, Gombe)
The lack of interpersonal skills, combined with overworked and often underpaid staff, led to harsh and unempathetic care. This lack of empathy discouraged some women from returning to PHCs and adhering to recommended ANC visit schedules.