According to the National Center for Health Statistics at the Center for Disease Control, nearly 108,000 people in the U.S. died from drug-involved overdose in 2022 from illicit or prescription drugs (1). The use of synthetic opioids other than the use of methadone (primarily fentanyl) has been the driving force of drug overdose deaths, with a staggering 7.5-fold increase from 2015 to 2022 (1). Not only are many lost due to illicit drug use, but the economic cost of drug abuse is estimated to be about 193 billion dollars annually in the United States, encompassing healthcare, lost productivity, and criminal justice costs (2). Despite these well-known consequences of substance use (SU) (3–5) and its effects on physical health, psychological health, and quality of life, only a tiny fraction of people receive any treatment (2). Presently, only an estimated 10% of individuals in America with alcohol and drug use disorders that meet the criteria for a diagnosable substance use disorder (SUD) receive any form of specialized treatment, indicating a staggeringly small number of individuals seeking help (2, 6). SU affects physical and emotional well-being, familial and other relationships, education and career attainment, financial and criminal involvement, and spiritual health (2, 7–10).
Recovery residences (RR), also known by various names such as recovery homes, sober homes, halfway houses, etc., have emerged as a critical component in the continuum of care for SUD. The National Alliance for Recovery Residences has defined RR as "safe, healthy, and substance-free living environments that support individuals in recovery from addiction (varying widely in structure), all centered on peer support and a connection to services that promote long-term recovery" (11–13). RR significantly differs from traditional biomedical treatment models by emphasizing the social model of recovery, which highlights the importance of experiential knowledge and peer interaction (11). Research has consistently demonstrated positive outcomes among individuals entering RR (14–16). Residents who enter RR "sustained reductions in substance use and legal problems and an increase in employment over 18 months," those improvements were maintained over 18 months even long after the residents had left their RR (17, 18). For example, recovery services in RR had seen 6-month abstinence rates improve from 11% at baseline to 68% in 6 to 12 months (19).
Additionally, studies have found that patients transitioning from biomedical care facilities to recovery housing experienced "longer stays in outpatient treatment," underscoring the role of peer-led environments in sustaining recovery (20, 21). The 'helper-therapy' principle, where peers benefit from receiving and providing support, is a cornerstone of these recovery communities, contributing to improved mental health and life satisfaction among residents (11). Peer-based harm reduction initiatives, such as syringe exchange programs and overdose prevention sites in Vancouver, have further illustrated the positive impact peer-led interventions have on mental health status and improvement in life satisfaction rates (22). These programs allow peer interaction to diffuse the tension and stigma associated with SU (23). However, despite their successes, RR faces significant challenges rooted in stigma and prejudice. Services delivered by peers in these environments can be viewed as inferior compared to those provided in traditional clinical settings, which may contribute to ongoing negative attitudes from both the public and professionals (11).
Stigma is a broad term for individual or group differences associated with negative stereotypes and behaviors (24, 25). Labels such as "drug addict" and "alcoholic" are highly stigmatized and evoke negative responses from the community (24, 26). Stigma manifests in various forms, including labeling, discrimination, devaluation, and internalization, and can occur at individual, community, and societal levels (27, 28). Individuals with "stigmatized markers," such as those who use illicit drugs, often feel isolated, morally and criminally policed and may be less inclined to disclose their status and seek support in RR (29). Furthermore, it was reported that residents of R.H.'s or individuals receiving treatment for SU experience high levels of enacted, perceived, and self-stigma (30, 31). Current treatment systems may inadvertently stigmatize people in recovery, as those with more prior episodes of treatment reported higher frequencies of stigma-related rejection, even after controlling for current functioning and demographic variables (27, 28). Due to stigmatization, residents of these houses may resort to coping mechanisms like secrecy and withdrawal from their communities (32). There are specific experiences of enacted stigma among RR residents, including believing that people mistreated them because of their SU (60%), feeling that others were afraid of them (46%), sensing that some family members gave up on them (45%), and experiencing rejection from friends (38%) (30, 32).
Culturally, SU is still primarily regarded as an "immoral or inept lifestyle choice for which affected individuals are fully culpable," reinforcing the stigma that individuals with SUD are defective characters rather than recognizing SU as a chronic and potentially fatal health condition (32–34). This misconception ensures that SU retains its potency as a sign of a defective character, leading to unfair treatment and social ostracization of residents in RR (32). However, studies show that physical proximity can reduce opposition to RR and their residents (32, 35). For example, neighbors of group homes reported fewer perceived threats to personal safety and property values than those without such proximity (32, 36). Similarly, community residents living next door to Oxford Houses in Northern Illinois had more favorable attitudes toward them than those living a block away (32, 35). These findings suggest that integrating RR residents with the public can help dilute stigma by demonstrating that residents are ordinary citizens striving to better themselves (32).
Despite existing research on stigma and recovery housing (32), a comprehensive evaluation of the literature that explores the various types of stigmas faced by residents of recovery housing or how stigma affects their paths to recovery is still lacking. Moreover, stigma on residents, when studied, is mostly disjointed; hence, studies that bring together these experiences in a coherent manner may be more informative on developing sustainable paths to recovery among residents. Understanding the stigma experienced by residents in R.H. is crucial for multiple stakeholders and policies around SU. Knowledge of stigma among residents can inform the development of more supportive policies to enhance recovery outcomes. It will offer practitioners insights into creating more effective and inclusive intervention strategies. For researchers, it highlights existing gaps and sets the stage for future studies. By addressing stigma, R.H. will present a more welcoming and practical approach to improving SU outcomes for residents. Therefore, the significance of this scoping review lies in the fact that no existing study has been done to address the stigma people face in RR.