Emotion regulation capabilities in children are predictive of later adaptation, social functioning and psychopathology (Eisenberg & Sulik 2012; Rydell et al., 2003). Emotion regulation refers to intentional or spontaneous processes that affect the impact and time of an emotional response on physiological, behavioral and cognitive levels (Gross, 2013). Development of emotion regulation starts in infancy, and continues into adulthood (Eisenberg & Sulik, 2012). The development of emotion regulation abilities is influenced by child temperamental factors, and goes hand-in-hand with increasing cognitive and social capacities (Zeman et al., 2006). However, the development of emotion regulation is not just an unfolding of the potential of the child, but is also being affected by environmental factors, and vice versa, affects those environmental factors. In childhood years, the most important environmental factors that are most influential are parental functioning, parenting behavior, and the parent-child relationship (Morris et al., 2007; 2017). In the current study, a specific parental factor, namely mind-mindedness, a measure of parents’ mentalizing abilities in the parent-child relationship, will be examined as a predictor of child emotion regulation in middle childhood.
Emotion regulation capabilities develop at a rapid pace during the first few years of life. In infancy, children are primarily dependent on their caregivers in the regulation of their emotions (Zeman et al., 2006) while in toddlerhood there is a gradual progress from external regulation to more intrinsic processes that support the regulation of emotions (Eisenberg & Sulik, 2012). The way parents support their children in the regulation of their emotions in early childhood, is predictive of the emotion regulation strategies children will develop later (Kiss et al. 2014). In preschool years, children’s repertoire of emotion regulation strategies increases, becoming better able to adjust their emotional behavior to the specific situation (Eisenberg & Sulik, 2012). Children’s emotion regulation capabilities not only impact on children’s social competency (Blair at al., 2004), but also their academic success and productivity (Graziano et al., 2007).
In middle childhood, there is a further differentiation in emotion regulation strategies and the display of emotions (Zeman et al., 2006). Different emotion regulation strategies take shape, that children are able to report on from the age of 8 years old (Cracco et al., 2015). A self-report questionnaire for the assessment of emotion regulation in children and adolescents (Fragebogen zur Erhebung der Emotionsregulation bei Kindern und Jugenlichen; FEEL-KJ) was developed to measure fifteen different emotion regulation strategies for three different emotions (namely anger, sadness, and anxiety; Grob & Smolenski, 2005). Both adaptive (problem solving, distraction, forgetting, acceptance, humor enhancement, cognitive problem solving, revaluation), and maladaptive (giving up, withdrawal, rumination, self-devaluation, and aggressive actions), and external (expression, social support, and emotional control) emotion regulation strategies can be distinguished when using the FEEL-KJ (Cracco et al., 2015). A meta-analysis on emotion regulation and psychopathology reports that internalizing and externalizing symptoms of psychopathology are negatively related to adaptive regulation strategies and positively related to maladaptive emotion regulation strategies (Compas et al., 2017).
A characteristic of parents that theoretically (Fonagy et al., 2018) and empirically (e.g., has shown to predict child emotion regulation from birth onwards is parents’ mentalizing, parents’ tendency to regard and treat their children as independent psychological agents and to reflect on their children’s mental states (Sharp & Fonagy, 2008). One way to assess mentalizing in parents is to measure their mind-mindedness (Meins, 1997; Meins et al., 2001; Zeegers et al., 2017). Mind-mindedness aims to measure the extent to which parents are able to form a representation of a child’s internal state, by assessing the way they talk to, or about their child (Meins & Fernyhough, 2015). Parents who are well able to see their child as an individual with internal states that may be different than their own, tend to show this ability by making mind-related comments to, or about their child (McMahon & Bernier, 2017). While mind-mindedness of parents with infants and young children are normally measured during a parent-child observation, a way to measure mind-mindedness of parents of older children is by asking them to describe their child using a one-open-question interviews (Meins et al. 1998). This measure, also called representational mind-mindedness indicates parents’ ability to represent their children’s as independent agents with their own mental states and to refer to them (Meins & Fernyhough, 2015). The emotional valence of representational mind-mindedness can also be studied by coding each remark as either positive, neutral or negative (Demers et al., 2010; Larkin et al., 2021).
Mind-mindedness has shown to be predictive of secure child attachment (Zeegers et al., 2017), a better social development (e.g., Aldrich et al., 2021; McMahon & Bernier, 2017), executive functioning (Cheng et al., 2018), language (Laranjo & Bernier, 2013), and less behavioral problems (e.g., Colonnesi et al., 2019). There is some evidence that the emotional valence of mind-mindedness matters, and that associations between parental mind-mindedness and child outcomes differ when positive, neutral, and negative mind-related comments are distinguished. Colonnesi et al. (2022), that studied mind-mindedness in foster parents, found that general, neutral and positive mind-mindedness (but not negative mind-mindedness) showed a negative relation with child conduct problems. Furthermore, this study showed a positive relation between positive mind-mindedness and prosocial behavior, and neutral mind-mindedness and a better quality of the caregiver-child relationship. A relative high proportion of negative valence mind-mindedness may be indicative of high parental stress, a low quality of the parent-child relationship and/or ineffective parental mentalization, (mentalization of child behavior may be mainly negative).
There is little empirical evidence on the association between parental mind-mindedness and child emotion regulation. In a review on mind-mindedness research, it was hypothesized that mind-related comments help parents in co-regulating their children, and that over time, the child internalizes the dialogue with the parent, and thereby develops inner speech that facilitates self-regulation (McMahon & Bernier, 2017). One empirical study did show the predictive value of mind-mindedness on heart rate variability, which is a measure of physiological emotion regulation, in infants aged 4 to 12 months (Zeegers et al., 2018). This was the case for both maternal, and paternal mind-mindedness. Another study looked at the predictive value of father’s mind-mindedness at the child’s age of 18 months, for two constructs related to emotion regulation, namely inhibitory control and rule-compatible conduct at the child’s age of 3 years (Gagné et al., 2018). This study showed that after taking into account child temperament, paternal mind-mindedness was positively related to inhibitory control, but rule-compatible conduct was not. There are no studies showing associations between parental mind-mindedness and emotion regulation in middle childhood.
The study populations in majority of studies on mind-mindedness are mothers and their infants, toddlers and preschoolers. The studies that did include fathers were also mostly focused on the age group of zero to six-year-olds, and not on school-aged children (e.g. Gagné et al., 2018; Miller et al., 2019; Bernier et al., 2023, Colonnesi et al., 2019). In two studies, fathers of children from a broader age range participated, including school-aged children (Fishburn et al., 2017; Larkin et al., 2021). In both studies however, only a small percentage of the parents were fathers, and parents of both sexes were analyzed as one group. Therefore, when looking at the association between father’s mind-mindedness and child functioning, as compared to the association between mother’s mind-mindedness and child functioning, the only data available are based on parents with young children. Most studies found similar results for fathers and mothers: maternal and paternal mind-mindedness were associated positively with child attachment security, theory of mind, and social competence, and negatively with behavior problems (Lundy, 2003; Lundy, 2013; Lundy & Fyfe, 2016; Colonessi et al., 2019). One study showed that paternal mind-mindedness at 6 months was a stronger predictor of father-child secure attachment at 12 months, than maternal mind-mindedness at 6 months for mother-infant secure attachment at 12 months (Arnott & Meins, 2007). In another study in which maternal mind-mindedness was statistically controlled for, paternal mind-mindedness at 18 months was predictive of math and reading at age four, which was mediated by theory of mind, effortful control, and school readiness (Bernier et al., 2023).
In most of these studies, the proportion of mind-mindedness in both parents did not differ (e.g. Colonnesi et al., 2019; Lundy, 2013; Lundy & Fyfe, 2016). In another study in which mind-mindedness was studied in parents of infants, mothers were shown to make more mind-related comments than fathers (Planalp et al., 2019). Moreover, there is evidence of possible complementarity between parents, as one study found that fathers and mothers can compensate each other mind-mindedness to prevent children’s externalizing problems (Colonnesi et al., 2019). Thus, it seems to be that there are no, or only small differences between parents in mind-mindedness and that they compensate each other. In a systematic review on paternal reflective functioning and mind-mindedness, it recommendations for further studies included to address the differences and similarities of the roles played by the parents, and to study the contribution of paternal mind-mindedness not only during infancy and the preschool period, but within different child’s developmental stages. Both these recommendations will be addressed in the current study.
Mind-mindedness in children has also been assessed in just a few studies. It has not been studied in relation to parental mind-mindedness, nor in relation to child emotion regulation, but in relation to children’s social understanding and social functioning (Davis et al., 2014; Meins et al., 2006). These studies showed that children’s mind-mindedness (measured by asking them to describe a friend) was unrelated to performance on a theory of mind task, measuring the knowledge that mental states of other people may differ from one’s own mental states. This result is interesting, because to be able to talk about mental states, children do need to make use of their theory of mind capacities. These results were even more unexpected, as maternal mind-mindedness does predict a more optimal theory of mind development in children (McMahon & Bernier, 2017). Children’s mind-mindedness was also unrelated to behavior problems (Davis et al., 2014).
If parental mind-mindedness would indeed support the development of adaptive emotion regulation strategies in children, the question is whether children’s mind-mindedness could play a role in this. Possibly, by commenting on their child’s inner states regularly, parents may support their children both in understanding their own inner world better, and in understanding other people’s inner states, and the influence of people’s inner states on their behavior. Both may have a positive influence on children’s emotion regulation. Children’s mind-mindedness (measured by asking them to describe their parent) may also reflect the quality of the parent-child relationship.
The current study aimed to examine maternal, paternal and children’s mind-mindedness in a community sample of school-aged children. Also, we aimed to examine associations between maternal, paternal and children’s mind-mindedness, and child emotion regulation. We hypothesized that mind-mindedness of mothers, fathers, and children would be positively associated with each other. Positive associations between family members’ mind-mindedness and children’s adaptive emotion regulation strategies, and negative associations between family members’ mind-mindedness and children’s maladaptive emotion regulation strategies were expected. Lastly, we explored whether parental positive, neutral and negative mind-related comments showed differential associations with child adaptive and maladaptive emotion regulation strategies.