Societies have become more international, and the daily use of multiple languages is steadily increasing (Grosjean, 2024). However, parents[i] of autistic people are often told to refrain from using multiple languages with their children as quite many autistic people are minimally or non-verbal (e.g., Rose et al., 2016). For pragmatic reasons, language recommendation often falls on the culturally predominant language, which, however, is not always sufficiently acquired by family members of different cultural backgrounds (Ijalba, 2016). Reduced language proficiency can lead to tongue-tied conversations and limited interactions between parents and their children, thus significantly influencing the family dynamic (e.g., Papoudi et al., 2021). Parents’ worries about language use can affect their mental health (e.g., Yu, 2016) and might indirectly affect children’s development via maladaptive parenting practices (e.g., Bonis & Sawin, 2016).
Language use and autism
It is estimated that at least half, possibly up to two-thirds, of the world’s population is bilingual (Grosjean, 2024). Bilingual people exist in nearly every country, independent of social class, age, and gender. Thus, multilingualism has become a norm rather than an exception (De Houwer, 2009), and, overall, globalization and immigration have increased multicultural influences. Many countries worldwide, such as Belgium, Bolivia, Canada, Finland, India, Luxembourg, Malta, Singapore, South Africa, Switzerland, and Zimbabwe, even have multiple official languages. While this increase in cultural exchanges offers numerous opportunities, many parents face the challenge of deciding which languages to choose for the upbringing and education of their children.
Parents of autistic children are especially concerned about this question, as a significant proportion of autistic people experience difficulties in acquiring spoken language. Approximately 25% to 50% of autistic people are minimally verbal or non-verbal (Norrelgen et al., 2015; Rose et al., 2016). Although the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5™; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013) withdrew general language development difficulties as an independent core criterion of Autism Spectrum Disorder, social communication and interaction difficulties remain crucial for the diagnosis. Several studies found that parents are often advised to use only one, mainly the culturally predominant language with their child (e.g., Hampton et al., 2017; Jegatheesan, 2011; Kay-Raining Bird et al., 2012; Kremer-Sadlik, 2005; Wharton et al., 2000). Professionals who recommend a monolingual approach often argue that raising a child with only one language may prevent language confusion and further delays in language development (Jegatheesan et al., 2010; Kremer-Sadlik, 2005; Wharton et al., 2000; Yu, 2013).
However, scientific research does not carry findings that support this claim. On the contrary, studies with various designs and methodologies and systematic reviews consistently find no significant disadvantageous outcomes for multilingual children compared to their monolingual peers in a wide variety of outcomes, including language skills, executive functions, autistic traits, and social and behavioral outcomes (e.g. Franco & Costa, 2024; Li et al., 2017; Lund et al., 2017; Siyambalapitiya et al., 2022). A few studies even report that multilingual participants had greater social functioning and communication skills than monolingual participants (Uljarević et al., 2016; Valicenti-McDermott et al., 2012).
Multilingualism and Family Functioning
The recommendation for monolingualism becomes even more questionable when considering that it is often given regardless of whether the parents and other family members are proficient in the recommended language (Kim & Roberti, 2014; Kremer-Sadlik, 2005; Yu, 2013). For example, in a study involving Hispanic immigrant mothers, 13 out of 22 families were advised to use only English with their autistic child, even though in 11 of those 13 families, at least one primary caregiver was unable to communicate in English (Ijalba, 2016). As a result, expressions of affection, instructions, and casual conversations may not be accurately conveyed, leading to a communication style that differs from what was intended. For instance, parents were found to be less affectionate and less encouraging of their autistic children’s speech when using English instead of their heritage languages (Baker, 2017; Hampton et al., 2017; Wharton et al., 2000) and experience frustration, emotional distancing, and limitations in communication and social integration (Franco & Costa, 2024; Fernandez y Garcia et al., 2012; Yu, 2016). Parents who choose to use their mother tongue with their children reported doing so, among other things, because they believe it is crucial to their children’s cultural identity development (Howard et al., 2021). They emphasize the importance of the heritage language in communicating with extended family, providing access to cultural community and events, and passing on values such as family solidarity, respect, and duty (Jegatheesan et al., 2010; Kim & Roberti, 2014; Yu, 2013). Consequently, discouraging multilingualism, particularly the use of the mother tongue, can lead to adverse outcomes in family communication, the overall family dynamic, and family members’ well-being (Baker, 2013; Ijalba, 2016; Jegatheesan, 2011; Kremer-Sadlik, 2005).
Some parents express concern about adopting a multilingual approach, often feeling torn between the desire to foster their child’s cultural heritage and following professional recommendations for monolingualism (Jegatheesan, 2011). Many experience guilt for not strictly adhering to these guidelines, fearing to confuse their child by mixing languages. As a result, they often opt for a monolingual upbringing in the culturally predominant language, motivated by the expected benefits of expert advice, their children’s more salient autistic traits, and concerns about losing access to essential support services and the backing of family and friends (Howard et al., 2021; Kay-Raining Bird et al., 2012). Practical considerations also play a significant role as finding comprehensive services in the family’s heritage language(s) can be challenging (Hampton et al., 2017; Yu, 2013). However, even English-proficient parents report difficulties understanding medical jargon and special needs terminology (Fox et al., 2017; You & Rosenkoetter, 2014). This emphasizes the extent of parents of autistic children’s worries about language use and their commitment to doing what is best for their children. Ultimately, parents prioritize minimizing their children’s life barriers, above and beyond language choice (Papoudi et al., 2021).
Mental Health and Quality of Life in Autism
These concerns may exacerbate the already heightened risk of mental health difficulties faced by parents of autistic children compared to those of neurotypical children (Hayes & Watson, 2013). Parents of autistic children repeatedly report an increased prevalence of stress, depression, anxiety, somatic complaints, and burnout (Bitsika & Sharpley, 2004; Lecavalier et al., 2005; Stewart et al., 2017; Weiss, 2002). Overall, parents of autistic children experience significantly more negative adverse physiological and psychological difficulties than parents of neurotypical children (Baker-Ericzén et al., 2005; Montes & Halterman, 2007; Pisula & Kossakowska, 2010; Weiss, 2002) or children with other developmental conditions, including down syndrome (Dabrowska & Pisula, 2010; Rodrigue et al., 1990), cerebral palsy (Mugno et al., 2007), cognitive developmental delay (Weiss, 2002), or general long-term health condition or disability (Seymour et al., 2017).
An integrative literature review identified many factors for parental distress in autism (Bonis & Sawin, 2016). Among the identified factors, a category related to children-specific aspects, included hyper- and hypo-sensory responsiveness and associated reactive behavior, disrupted sleep patterns, restrictive eating preferences, and aggressive, destructive, and self-harming behaviors. Another category, contextual aspects, included difficulties with healthcare access, social stigmatization, financial stress, parental fatigue, social isolation, and limited ability for self-care among parents. Additionally, concerns over the child’s future, including their life trajectory, social inclusion, and long-term safety and care, were emphasized. Protective factors, such as children´s prosocial behavior, higher parental educational levels, psychological acceptance, positive parenting beliefs, and social support from family members and friends, and the broader community were identified as well (Bonis & Sawin, 2016; Porter et al., 2022; Schiltz et al., 2023; Weiss et al., 2012).
Autistic people face an increased risk for co-occurring mental health conditions, too. In a meta-analysis summarizing results of 96 studies, autistic people showed increased prevalences for attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (prevalence of 28%), anxiety disorders (20%), sleep-wake disorders (13%), disruptive, impulse-control and conduct disorders (12%), depressive disorders (11%), obsessive-compulsive disorder (9%), bipolar disorders (5%), and schizophrenia spectrum disorders (4%), independent from age, gender, cognitive abilities, and origin country of the studies (Lai et al., 2019).
Thus, it is not surprising that both autistic people and their parents are repeatedly found to have worse quality of life than neurotypical people and their children (Braden et al., 2021; Vasiloupolou & Nisbet, 2016). Some find that the reduced quality of life in autistic people is independent of age, developmental level, and intensity of autistic characteristics (Van Heijst & Geurts, 2015). Others found that physical quality of life is only worse in autistic women as compared to neurotypical people and that women´s mental quality of life was better in older age (Braden et al., 2021). In parents, quality of life was reduced significantly by being a mother, unemployment, lack of social support, and children’s autism and behavioral difficulties (Kuhlthau et al., 2014; Vasiloupolou & Nisbet, 2016).
Parent Mental Health and Parenting
The increased prevalence of mental health problems and reduced quality of life in autism might significantly influence the overall family dynamic. In a descriptive review of studies with non-autistic participants (Berg-Nielsen et al., 2002), psychiatric disorders in children or parents constituted major stressors for families and substantially affected parenting abilities. Parents with depression, anxiety, or personality disorders often express negativity towards their children, such as rejection, criticism, accusations, hostility, belittling, or ridiculing. Withal, the intensity of this negativity, rather than its specific type, was found to be more critical for children’s outcomes. This negativity was more common with children who themselves were dealing with depression, anxiety, or behavioral issues. Additionally, parents of children with behavioral problems often engaged in harsh, inconsistent discipline and were more likely to struggle with personality disorders and substance abuse.
Findings within autism research tend to be less straightforward. For instance, parenting stress was found to mediate the relationship between children’s behavioral challenges and parents’ sense of parenting self-efficacy (Rezendes & Scarpa, 2011). In their findings, reduced parenting self-efficacy further mediated the connection between increased parenting stress and the development of depression and anxiety in parents. A similar interrelation was found in another study exploring the interplay between child behavior problems, parent mental health, and family functioning. Their results indicated that parents’ depressive symptoms mediated the link between child behavior problems and family dynamics (Jellett et al., 2015). It was concluded that children’s problematic behavior only disrupted family interactions when parents felt overwhelmed and depressed. These findings are mirrored in research showing that psychological acceptance of children’s autism constitutes a significant partial mediator between child problem behavior and parent mental health difficulties and that, simultaneously, behavioral problems in children were linked to reduced psychological acceptance and subsequent mental health difficulties in parents (Weiss et al., 2012). While it is, of course, essential to consider that the parent-child interaction underlies a vast interplay of different factors (e.g., reduced joined attention [Adamson et al., 2012], autistic traits and difficulties in communication [Beurkens et al., 2013], general parenting style [Riany et al., 2017], children’s characteristics [Eisenberg et al., 1998], ...) parents’ mental health can play a crucial role for the family dynamic. Despite less direct findings, poor psychological health was linked overall to a wide range of parenting difficulties, including managing problematic autistic characteristics and behaviors, taking care of themselves, and navigating care systems and services (Bonis & Sawin, 2016).
The Present Study
Previous literature has presented that autistic people (e.g., Lai et al., 2019) and their parents have an increased risk for mental health difficulties than neurotypical people, as well as people with other diagnoses (e.g., Hayes & Watson, 2013). This increased prevalence of mental health issues might influence family interactions (e.g., Bonis & Sawin, 2016). At the same time, family interaction and parental well-being might also be related to the family’s language use at home. If parents use a language they do not feel comfortable with, they may experience frustration and risk miscommunication and restrictions in their communication (e.g., Papoudi et al., 2021). Consequently, those impeded interactions might constitute an increased risk for adverse outcomes in family members’ well-being, family communication, and the overall dynamic in the family (e.g., Baker, 2013; Ijalba, 2016; Jegatheesan, 2011; Kremer-Sadlik, 2005).
This study seeks to explore the intricate relationships between language use, family functioning, and mental health in families with autistic children and those with neurotypical children. The existing body of research on these topics is relatively limited and presents mixed findings, underscoring the need for further investigation. Our study will gather data from both, parents of autistic children and autistic people, as well as neurotypical controls to analyze how language use is connected to mental health and family dynamics in regard to autistic children. Drawing from previous literature, we hypothesize that (1) autistic children will not show significant differences from neurotypical children in their language use preferences. However, (2) parents of autistic children are more likely to use only one language or foreign languages when interacting with their children compared to parents of neurotypical children. We also propose that (3) parents may have different motivations for using either a single language or multiple languages with their children. Additionally, we hypothesize that (4) using parents’ mother tongue will correlate with better outcomes in mental health, quality of life, and family interactions. We anticipate that (5) families with autistic members will experience more mental health challenges and a lower quality of life than families with neurotypical members and (6) that family functioning will be more problematic in families with autism compared to neurotypical ones. Lastly, we expect that (7) reduced mental health and quality of life within the family will be closely associated with more problematic family functioning.
[i] The terminology parent(s) is used synonymously in this study to refer to children’s biological parents, non-biological parents, caregivers, guardians, and other people mainly responsible for the upbringing of the child in daily life.