In summary, we examined the association between the Diabetes Health Plan, a disease-specific value-based insurance design product, and individual-level adherence to evidence-based medications among individuals with diabetes and pre-diabetes, across different income groups. Our study has 2 notable findings: 1) there was no difference in how individuals with different incomes responded to the DHP and 2) we did not observe an association between DHP implementation and medication adherence at the individual level.
Consistent with what has been previously reported, in our sample, medication adherence increased with income (21). However, we did not observe a differential effect in how individuals with different incomes responded to the DHP. There are many reasons why low-income individuals may not preferentially respond to a VBID. First, VBIDs often involve complex cost-sharing structures. Multiple studies have demonstrated that as cost-sharing structures become more complex, patients’ understanding of their insurance benefits decreases (10, 22, 23). Moreover, understanding appears to be associated with income: in one study, those with higher incomes had improved knowledge of their benefits in a VBID, compared to those with lower incomes (24). As a result of their lower levels of health insurance literacy, low-income individuals may not be able to fully take advantage of benefits offered by VBIDs like the DHP and may avoid preventive services due to perceived cost-related concerns (9, 10, 24–27). Indeed, those with lower health insurance literacy in one study were more likely to avoid preventive services, despite the ACA mandate that these services be provided free of charge (9). If the low-income beneficiaries in our population did not realize that the DHP eliminated or reduced cost-sharing for high-value services, barriers to utilization may have inadvertently been created. We did not have information on strategies employers used to discuss benefits of the DHP and could not account for this in our analyses.
Others have hypothesized about the role of scarcity: because individuals with lower incomes have more financial stressors, they may not have the bandwidth to prioritize health and may not be influenced by a VBID structure (28). Consistent with this hypothesis, studies have found that colorectal screening rates and adherence to statins improved upon cost-sharing reduction in those with middle and high income, there was not a detectable improvement among the lower-income (20, 29).Further studies should continue to include income in their analyses to clarify its relationship with response to VBID offerings.
There are also methodological limitations that may explain why response to the DHP did not vary by income. First, our sample was limited to individuals with employer-based insurance. Due to sample size, we were also limited to analyzing those with incomes less than $50,000 as the lowest income group. In other words, we could not disaggregate those with smaller incomes. As a result, our study is not generalizable to those with very low incomes, who may have responded differently. Furthermore, we did not have information on household size and could not generate a measure of federal poverty level (FPL) for each family. This has important implications as different incomes translate into different levels of poverty depending on family size. For example, an annual income of $50,000 is 400% of FPL for a household of one, but only 194% of the FPL for a household of four (30). Nevertheless, we set $50,000 as the upper threshold for our lowest income strata, since this annual income would qualify even the smallest household for financial assistance in the Affordable Care Act insurance marketplaces (31).
Prior studies evaluating the impact of VBIDs on medication adherence have found modest, but significant, improvements in adherence, ranging from 0.1 to 14% (13, 14). Similarly, our group previously demonstrated an improvement in medication adherence after DHP implementation, at the employer-level (16). The lack of an association between DHP implementation and medication adherence in the current study was somewhat surprising, but there are important differences in study design that must be considered. First, the sample populations differed somewhat across the two papers. We updated the dataset for the current analysis, and only eight of the ten DHP employers included in this study overlapped with those included in the previous study. Second, there were some differences between the two papers in the included covariates and in the structure of the propensity score. Finally, this was an individual-level study, compared to the prior employer-level aggregate analysis. While the employer-level analysis does help mitigate against selection bias, it has been well-established that relationships seen at the aggregate level do not necessarily transfer to the individual level and vice versa, resulting in inferences that are specific to the level of analysis used (42–44).
Differences in study design may also explain the lack of associations between the DHP and medication adherence in our study as compared to evaluations of other VBID programs that demonstrated positive findings. For example, one study reported no change in medication adherence among those with a VBID alone, but a significant 6.5 percentage point increase in medication adherence among VBID patients who also participated in a disease management program (32). We did not have details of disease management or wellness programs among our employers, precluding our ability to control for these variables or conduct subgroup analyses. Additionally, in contrast to prior studies which used area-level income measures, our study used a measure of individual household income which incorporated individual financial behavior (32–35). Given the well-established relationship between income and adherence, it is possible that individual household income may impact the effectiveness of any VBID (28, 36, 37).
This study has several limitations, in addition to those previously described. While we used propensity matching at the employer level and weighting at the individual level to minimize confounding, there may still be unmeasured differences between the populations (e.g., employer-level “wellness culture”, individual engagement). We also conducted a complete case analysis: this may have biased our results if this sample differs systematically from those with any missing data. However, only 11.8% of the sample was removed due to missing data. Our study also has several notable strengths. For example, we measured medication adherence one and two years after DHP implementation, allowing us to explore its short-term and long-term impacts. Additionally, unlike prior studies that used area-level income, we used an estimate of individual household-level income, allowing us to more precisely examine the effect of income on VBID effectiveness (32, 34).
Altogether, this study may have implications for policies that aim to encourage the uptake of high-value, evidence-based therapies through thoughtful benefit designs that aim to promote equity. The lack of an observed effect suggests that lowering the consumer cost sharing may not be sufficient. Other strategies to consider involve education through improved communication that aim to increase the understanding of benefits available. Some have proposed providing this information during health care professional visits, as numerous surveys interviewing patients have reported a desire to discuss costs with their providers (38–40). Future studies should examine additional interventions and strategies that can optimize the impact of these VBIDs.