Health disparities have now been documented by a wealth of epidemiological research for some decades [1, 2], but remain a pressing concern. Such inequalities have often been captured in the form of socioeconomic gradients [3, 4] whereby people in higher positions on the social ladder enjoy better health and quality of healthcare than people in lower positions. While socioeconomic position has received a large share of this research interest [5], disparities between groups defined by, i.e., gender [6], race, ethnicity, immigration status or racialization [7], have also been amply documented. However, some limitations to this body of research remain.
Studies of health inequalities have typically focused on one dimension at a time, such as socioeconomic position or gender, thus paying inadequate attention to how such dimensions may intersect. Meanwhile, a large share of the health disparities research has typically construed inequalities in terms of different levels of risk located in or borne by individuals or groups, rather than addressing dynamics between individual or groups [8, 9] or processes through which inequalities are produced [10]. Furthermore, health disparities research has been critiqued for insufficiently considering heterogeneity, through focusing almost exclusively on group average risk rather than on variations within and overlaps between groups. This may contribute towards simplification or essentialization of differences between groups, as well as to unjust stigmatization of “high-risk” groups or individuals [11, 12].
Due to its potential to address these concerns, intersectionality theory has increasingly been promoted and adopted in quantitative health disparities research [e.g., 10, 13, 14, 15]. In this study, we apply an intersectional perspective combined with an analysis of individual heterogeneity and discriminatory accuracy (AIHDA) [11, 16, 17] to the investigation of disparities in SRH in Sweden. This is performed in order to obtain a more detailed mapping of health inequalities while mitigating simplification and stigmatization based on indiscriminate interpretations of differences between group average risk.
An intersectional perspective on population health research
Intersectionality theory, articulated and advanced by theorists including Crenshaw [18] and Hill Collins [19], centers on the understanding of social categorizations such as gender, class and race/ethnicity/racialization as being interconnected rather than separate, and as creating overlapping and interacting systems of discrimination or disadvantage. The principal idea is thus that the social categorizations conditioning the distribution of resources and power, and thus health, need to be considered as interlinked rather than as unidimensional. In the context of quantitative population health research, an intersectional perspective thereby motivates the study of strata defined by the combination of several socioeconomic dimensions (e.g., age, gender, income, racialized identity and sexual orientation), contrasting with conventional analysis of socioeconomic gradients in health often based on singular dimensions. In this manner an intersectional perspective can improve the mapping of inequalities in health and therefore better illustrate patterns of disadvantage.
Such improved mapping of disparities fits well within the current movement towards precision public health [20]. Relatedly, it can support the implementation of proportionate universalism, as formulated by Marmot and Bell [4], in public health resource allocation. According to this principle, interventions aiming to ameliorate health disparities should be directed at the whole population (i.e., be universal) but be combined with targeted actions of a scale and intensity proportional to the level of disadvantage in specific population groups. For decision-making about whether or how universal interventions should thus be accompanied by targeted ones, improved knowledge about existing health disparities is of central importance.
Furthermore, applying an intersectional perspective means directing interest towards the dynamics of power and wealth distribution in society, rather than to levels of risk as attributes of individuals or groups, in the interest of facilitating the amelioration of health inequalities through social change [22, 23]. Accordingly, the intersectional strata constructed in this study should be considered in terms of social contexts [24] rather than as characteristics of individuals. This can mitigate the risk of excessive biomedical reductionism threatening current precision-based public health [25], while reducing the likelihood of “blaming the victim” as frequently discussed when investigating socioeconomic differences conceptualized at the individual level.
In an influential classification of intersectional research, McCall [26] distinguishes between anti-, inter- and intra-categorical approaches [for further discussion see 27]. Epidemiology principally consists of the quantitative analysis of average differences between demographic, socioeconomic and biomedical population groups, and thereby per se adopts an inter-categorical (henceforth referred to as categorical) approach. However, the population categories under study should also be evaluated in relation to their discriminatory performance as classifiers, i.e., their capacity to accurately classify the individuals according to the health outcome of interest [27, 28]. Such evaluation, complementing the information on average risk differences, can serve to prevent the “tyranny of the averages” [12] through which the same average value is attributed to all the members of a group without considering the individual heterogeneity around the group average or any overlap between categories. If the discriminatory accuracy (DA) is low, the validity or relevance of the categorization for risk assessment or targeted intervention can be questioned in relation to the outcome at hand. In this sense, an anti-categorical stance can be adopted. This is important for the purposes of avoiding simplification or essentialization of differences between groups, alongside under- or overtreatment and ineffective public health interventions [17].
Self-rated health
Measures of self-rated or self-assessed health, through which individuals are asked to evaluate their own health status, typically on a four- or five-point scale, are widely used in population health research. In terms of what it actually assesses and how it is linked to objective medical outcomes, this measure is not entirely understood [29]. It is subjective, non-specific, and encompasses cognitive, cultural and medical, or social and biological, dimensions [30]. However, its associations with mortality have been repeatedly demonstrated for different population groups and in various countries including Sweden [30-32]. In fact, its predictive power has been noted to often be stronger than that of more objective medical factors [33].
Inequities in SRH have been documented both internationally [34] and in Sweden [35-39], between socioeconomic groups [37, 38], genders [39] and individuals with or without an immigrant background [35, 36]. Some studies on SRH disparities have used intersectional approaches. For example, the impacts of class, gender, race, migration and sexual orientation in Canada have been investigated [40, 41], as have those of gender, sexual orientation and race in the United States [42, 43], and of class, gender and regional context in Spain [44]. Common to these studies, however, is that they adopt a categorical approach focused on between-group differences in average risk, without assessing individual heterogeneity and thus potentially allowing for a complementary anti-categorical stance.
In the present study, we use intersectional categorization combined with an analysis of individual heterogeneity and DA (AIHDA), in order to improve our understanding of inequalities in SRH, related to income, gender and immigration status in Sweden. Our focus lies on income, gender and immigration status partially due to the possibilities and constraints of the National Public Health Surveys (NPHS) data, but mainly because these dimensions correspond with the categories perhaps most typically included in the intersectional study of health disparities: gender, class and race [45]. While immigration status only loosely correlates with concepts of race or ethnicity, conflating issues related to racialization, migration and citizenship [13], which also concern groups in Sweden other than first-generation immigrants, immigration status is a categorization central to processes of racialization in contemporary Sweden [46].